In
a previous article “Some
European “communist” organisations do not want to go further than
“declarations on a yearly meeting”
“which I sent as a mail to the Secretariat of the INITIATIVE of
communist and workers' parties as well to the DKP, the CPL, the NCPN,
the WPB and the KKE I did some statements about several parties. Here
now some concrete arguments proving these statements.
Among
others were the DKP, the NCPN, the WPB, the CPL and the KKE together
the 8-10 November in Lisbon for the 15th
IMCWP
In
Lisbon 8-10 November 2013 was the 15th international Meeting of
Communist and Workers' Parties. All the participating parties
subscribed the “Guidelines for common or convergent action”. In
it here now some of the points:
“The
participant parties of the 15th International Meeting of Communist
and Workers' Parties define the following guidelines for their common
and convergent action and mandate the Working Group to try to
implement these guidelines in coordination with other Parties of the
Solidnet List.
1
– Commemorate, during the year 2014, the 100th anniversary of the
beginning of World War I, and the 75th anniversary of the beginning
of World War II through a joint campaign alerting to the dangers of
new international military clashes, alerting to the need to enhance
the struggle for peace and against imperialist aggressiveness and
wars and highlighting that the struggle for peace is intimately
linked with the struggle for socialism. (In this sense the German CP,
the New CP of Netherlands, the Workers' Party of Belgium and the CP
of Luxembourg informed about the preparation of an action in the
German boarder town Aechen, on 15th February).(...)
5
– Examine the possibility of - taking advantage of international
events where a large number of Parties are present – organizing a
working meeting to debate the ideological offensive and the mass
media's role, as well as to exchange experiences on mass
communication work.(...)
7
– Honor 1 May (May Day) with participation in the struggles in each
country for the defence of workers and peoples economic and social
rights, for the right to work and for labour rights, highlighting the
importance of the class struggle, for the abolition of exploitation
of man by man. Consider the possibility of announcing on this date a
day of action, with initiatives in each country, against unemployment
and its real roots, giving particular importance to the mass
unemployment among youth. Defend the trade union rights, denounce the
political persecution and demand the liberation of the detained trade
unionists.(...)
9
– To determine a day of action, with expressions in each country,
against the persecution of the communist parties and the ban of
communist symbols, affirming solidarity with the communist parties
banned in their countries.
10
– Commemorate the 95th Anniversary of the Creation of the Communist
International (March 1919) underlining, on the occasion of 90 years
of Lenin's death, his central contribution to the international
communist movement.(...)
13
– To promote the international front against imperialism and the
support for the international anti-imperialist mass organizations,
the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), the World Peace Council
(WPC), the World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY), and the
Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF), in the specific
framework of every country.1”
Among
others participated next to each other as “sister-parties” on
this meeting: the Workers' Party (Belgium) - (WPB), the German
Communist Party (DKP), the Communist Party of Greece (KKE), the New
Communist Party of the Netherlands (NCPN) and the Communist Party of
Luxembourg.
On
regular base (and on 14 april 2011 it was the sixth time) the KPL,
the WPB, the NCPN and the DKP organise a common conference:
In
Remich fand am 9. und 10. April 2011 die seit 2006 sechste gemeinsame
Konferenz der kommunistischen Parteien Belgiens (PTB/PvdA),
Deutschlands (DKP), Luxemburgs (KPL) und der Niederlande (NCPN)
statt. Neben diesen seit 2006 jährlich stattfindenden Beratungen
tauschen sich die vier Parteien seitdem verstärkt über die
politische Aktualität in ihren Ländern, aber auch über
länderübergreifende Entwicklungen, etwa in der Stahl- oder
Automobilindustrie, aus, geben gemeinsame Stellungnahmen ab und
führen gemeinsame Aktionen zum Beispiel gegen das
»Flexicurity«-Konzept oder die Lissabon-Strategie der EU
durch.
Pünktlich
zur Tagung im Bildungszentrum der Salariatskammer erschien die
dreisprachige Broschüre »Vier kommunistische Parteien
gegen Liberalisierung, Privatisierung und Sozialabbau bei der Post«.
(...)
Nach
der Diskussion der beiden Referate berichteten Herwig Lerouge (PTB),
Wil van der Klift (NCPN), Gilbert Simonelli (KPL) und Heinz Stehr
(DKP) über die Auswirkungen der Krise in ihren Ländern und
den Widerstand gegen den Versuch, die Kosten der Krise auf die
Arbeiterklasse, die Jugend, die Rentner und die Arbeitslosen
abzuwälzen.(...)
Zum
Thema »Parteiaufbau während der Wahlkampagne«
sprachen Jan Hasaers und Lisette Vanhees. Die Partei der Arbeit, die
einzige belgische Partei, die im flämischen und im belgischen
Landesteil aktiv ist, hat derzeit 15 Kommunalabgeordnete, allesamt in
mittelgroßen Städten und Distrikten in Flandern und der
Wallonie. Im Wahlkampf, so Vanhees, müsse die Partei »wie
ein Akkordeon auseinandergezogen werden«. So habe man die
ehemalige Kaderpartei nach 25 Jahren in eine Partei mit dreistufiger
Mitgliedschaft umgebaut, wobei nicht stimmberechtigte »beratende
Mitglieder« nur in Wahlkampfzeiten zum Einsatz kommen. Den
bisher größten Erfolg hat die PvdA mit 21,7 Prozent der
Stimmen und sechs Mandaten in der 12.000-Einwohner-Gemeinde Zelzate
in Ostflandern erreicht.
Rinze
Visser, NCPN-Ratsmitglied in Lemsterland, berichtete, wie in den 90er
Jahren mit Manipulationen versucht wurde, die rote Hochburg zu
schleifen. Als die 1992 gegründete Neue Kommunistische Partei
der Niederlande 1994 das erste Mal in der 13.000-Einwohner Gemeinde
in der Provinz Friesland antrat, erhielt sie fast die Hälfte der
Stimmen. 2010 schaffte sie noch 15,8 Prozent und zwei Sitze. In der
22.000-Einwohner-Gemeinde Heiloo in der Provinz Nordholland erreichte
die NCPN im vergangenen Jahr 7,1 Prozent, was für ein Mandat
reichte.
Gilbert
Simonelli erläuterte, wie die KPL die Kommunalwahlen
vorbereitet, und Ali Ruckert machte einige grundsätzliche
Bemerkungen zum Rahmenprogramm für den Urnengang am 9. Oktober,
bei dem die KPL gute Chancen hat, im Süden Luxemburgs
Kommunalmandate zurückzugewinnen.
Franz
Hertel, seit Jahrzehnten DKP-Stadtrat im saarländischen
Püttlingen, berichtete, wie der »Oskar-Effekt« der
Partei Die Linke im Juni 2009 10,6 Prozent und vier Sitze bescherte,
während die DKP in der 20.000-Einwohner-Stadt an der
französischen Grenze auf 7,1 Prozent zurückfiel und drei
von sechs Sitzen einbüßte. Obwohl sie bei den
rheinland-pfälzischen Kommunalwahlen auf Platz vier der Liste
der Partei Die Linke in Idar-Oberstein stand, erhielt Karin Gottlieb
in der 30.000-Einwohner-Stadt die meisten Personenstimmen, so daß
sie ihr Stadtratsmandat behalten konnte. Gottlieb bedauerte, »daß
gute Wahlergebnisse nicht automatisch zu mehr Mitgliedern führen«2
On
the 15MCWP the KKE is warning her “sisterparties” for the
BOURGEOIS character of Syriza:
Two
blocs of economic and political forces have been formed in Greece.
The one with as its core the ND-PASOK government together with the EU
which is in favour of the harsh fiscal policy and the
other with SYRIZA, the International Monetary Fund and the USA, which
support a more relaxed fiscal policy with the aim of strengthening
the state-funding of the monopolies. These management proposals
respond to the needs of specific sections of capital and are a part
of the more general inter-imperialist competition.
In
conclusion, we can say that each form of bourgeois management serves
the profitability of the monopolies through the imposition of the
anti-people measures, the intensification of the exploitation of the
working class, the deterioration of the situation for the popular
strata.
On
the basis of the different forms of bourgeois management of the
system, (liberal or Keynesian), the reformation of the political
scene is being promoted in Greece so that the bourgeois class can
control the developments, impede the class struggle, insert every
kind of barrier in the face of the struggle of the KKE and the
class-oriented movement. The
reformation is expressed through the creation of a centre-right pole
with the liberal ND party as its axis and the centre-left pole with
SYRIZA as its axis.
Our
party wants to inform the CPs that the ELP and other opportunist
forces are attempting in a planned way to distort the reality and
present SYRIZA as a pro-people force, which is fighting for the
interests of the workers against capital.
The truth is that SYRIZA as an opportunist formation which developed
into a pillar of social-democratic management is supported by
sections of the bourgeois class, it is a defender of capitalism and
the European Union.
It is a party that extolled the political line of Obama as
progressive and fostered the myth that a new wind would blow for the
workers in Europe with the election of Hollande.3
On
the 15MCWP, the NCPN is warning her “sisterparties” for the
REFORMIST character of the SP, a party “which has no real idea
about a socialist future”:
“Such
periods ask for deep analysis, understanding, inflexibility – that
means no opportunism – but the necessity of revolutionary patience
and the will to unite, not to split. That’s our main task. Looking
for what are common positions, what can we do together. Not to create
separation, but platforms to discuss and learn from each other, to
overcome differences. The
NCPN is very glad to be part of a group of four parties DKP, KPL, PTB
(=WPB,
Nico)
and NCPN from Germany, Luxembourg, Belgium and the Netherlands, al
parties with political, ideological, and organisational differences.
But also with many common backgrounds, similar conditions in the for
countries and most of all a common enemy, the European Union.
So, much to discuss and to do practically, as we do now for nine
years. Every year more deepening and effective. Step by step ahead.
(...)
The
only one party that has a more or less reasonable leftwing policy is
the so called SP. The S stands for socialist, but in practice the
SP is a new type leftwing social-democrat party without any real
influence.
The S changed into another content: not socialist, but social. And
social in a capitalist society. No
more Mao, Marx , Engels or Lenin. This former maoist party now is a
reformist party without a clear goal for the future. No real idea
about a socialist future.
In practice this party became a real barrier for us as it stands
between our party and the working class, supported to do so by the
mass media. The existence of the parliament orientated SP makes it
more difficult for us to reach the more radical strata of the working
class better then we do now, as they are hoping for solutions of
their problems in parliament only. At the same time the
SP lost it's historical influence in neighbourhoods and enterprises
as the only line for them is to win seats in the parliament and
looking for the possibility to get in government.
The main problem is the lost of the insight that only by
class-struggle positive changes are possible. Under such conditions
we try to survive.
The
Union of Communists (VCN) - started in 1981 - that existed before we
established the NCPN in 1992 had to start without any (financial)
means after the former CPN (Communist Party of the Netherlands)
started the process of cancellation at the beginning of the
eighties. The CPN disappeared as a party, became part of a new
GreenLeft party and took all financial and other resources with her.
So
we are still fighting to remain and build up a real marxist-leninist
communist party since 1992 as NCPN and before that as VCN. All
together now more than 30 years in one of the centres of imperialism
and also fighting against reformism of the old and new
social-democrats.
During
that time the SP – after revisionist en reformist ideological
transformations - grew and became seats in parliament and part of the
bourgeois political spectrum in our country.
The SP however is a real expression of the ideas of the majority of
the social feeling people in our country that does not want to change
too much and has many illusion about their future. Now the real base
for capitalism in the Netherlands is crumble more people are looking
for better answers, analyses and solutions than the SP is giving.
After more then 30 years now time is on our side! But still the
barriers are high and extremely difficult to 'pull down'.(...)
(W)e must succeed in maintaining our party as an independent organisation, with a paper, an office, a library, with members that become more class consciousness and a marxist-leninist education. That our priority now.4
(W)e must succeed in maintaining our party as an independent organisation, with a paper, an office, a library, with members that become more class consciousness and a marxist-leninist education. That our priority now.4
On
the 15MCWP, the WPB is seeing among her “sisterparties”
“growing
opportunities for developing the forces of revolution against the
forces of reaction, and for the growing confidence that in the course
of the 21st century, we will see the advance of the only societal
alternative to capitalism: socialism5”:
The
third and current crisis of overproduction and capital
over-accumulation has its origins in the early 1970s. It had been
dampened by several decades of neoliberal policies, of new
opportunities for big capital upon the counterrevolution in the
Soviet Union and the European people's democracies, of intensified
exploitation of the Third World through Structural Adjustment
Programs and the debt burden, and by artificial consumer spending
through cheap credit. But the crisis exploded fully since the
bursting of the financial and housing bubbles in 2008.
Today
we are confronted with its dire consequences in the economic, social
and ecological fields. At par with this economic crisis is a
democratic and ideological crisis in bourgeois society. And at the
international level, there are important changes in the correlation
of forces and new threats and of local conflicts and wider wars have
become apparent.(...)
overproduction
is of course situated in the realm of production, in the very core of
the capitalist system. That is why neither a neoliberal nor a
keynesian response can solve the current crisis and eradicate its
root causes. Two scenarios are possible for the near future: either a
double dip with a rapid further decline of the economy, or a longer
period of relative economic stagnation based on an ever more
intensive exploitation of the labour force.An important factor in
today's world constellation is the position of the world's hegemonic
imperialist power, the United States. While politically the US can
claim to be the only superpower, having concluded the Cold War to its
advantage and having taken advantage from 9/11 to reaffirm its
military dominance, economically the US is in dire straits. The US
economy continues to live beyond its means thanks to massive foreign
credit and thanks to the dollar's status as world prime currency. But
sooner or later, the strongly negative balance of trade and balance
of payments will take their toll and diminish the US' stature in the
world – or push it to even more aggressive military adventures
against previously existing or recently emerging competitors.
The
crisis of the euro zone reveals a complete unbalanced European
construction, with the uneven development of capitalism in the EU
member states and no mechanisms in place to remedy this through
transfers from the more developed regions to the less developed ones.
To the contrary, the major European capitalist economies are involved
in a race among themselves to become the biggest exporter and,
therefore, the harshest exploiter. Which entails a race to the bottom
regarding unemployment, working conditions, flexibility,
contractualization, social and trade union rights, and finally also
regarding democratic rights. The economic and social crisis in the
euro zone can lead to further social upheavals and major political
crises, which may result in serious troubles throughout the euro zone
and even in its explosion.(...)
Because
the European Union only serves the interests of European big capital
and is based on competition and inequality, it has to be challenged
in its core and not at its margins. Major popular movements with a
revolutionary orientation will be necessary throughout the continent
for the workers and peoples to turn their back to the construction of
this supra-national bourgois state and build a Europe based on
solidarity and cooperation, a socialist Europe.(...)
The
systemic and prolonged character of the world capitalist crisis, the
changes in the international correlation of forces and the examples
of workers' and peoples' struggles and revolts around the world point
to the growing opportunities for developing the forces of revolution
against the forces of reaction, and for the growing confidence that
in the course of the 21st century, we will see the advance of the
only societal alternative to capitalism: socialism.6
In
2010 was organised the first Day of Socialism: an initiative of the
WPB.... (.....Or no, of her president Peter Mertens), in 2012 the
second one and in 2013 the Third Day of Socialism
The
WPB subscribed the guidelines on the 15th
IMCWP in which was promoted “a
joint campaign alerting to the dangers of new international military
clashes, alerting to the need to enhance the struggle for peace and
against imperialist aggressiveness and wars and highlighting that the
struggle for peace is intimately linked with the struggle for
socialism.7”....the
WPB has peculiar ideas about “JOINT
campaign”
by organising the Day of Socialism....
The
“Round Table of Socialists” and the (in 2013 the Third) Day of
Socialism, those are initiatives of the WPB. But also those are the
proofs of lack of any notice of Marxism by the members of the WPB,
proofs of betrayal to communism, to Marxism, to revolution....and to
Socialism/Communism of the majority of the members and cadres of the
WPB even when they are member from BEFORE 1995.
So
Jo Cottenier, Herwig Lerouge, Kris Merckx, Lucien Materne, Boudewijn
Deckers, Riet Dhont, Joris Van Gorp, Peter Franssen, ... and so many
others who co-founded AMADA in 1970 and the WPB in 1979, renegades
they are....! And I am using the term “renegades” in the SAME way
and for the SAME meaning as Lenin used it to define Kautsky.
In
Belgium previous year (2013) was organised the Third Day of
Socialism, an initiative of the WPB, with which she had begun in
2010. In fact it was promoted as an initiative of Peter Mertens. But
can he as the president of the WPB take a personal initiative which
is not in line with the political line of the WPB?
When
you see the website ( http://www.rondetafelvansocialisten.be/) about
those “Days of Socialism” -the first in 2010, the second in
Oktober 2011, and the Third in November 2013 – you see that is not
even a BELGIAN
Day of Socialism... but a Flemish
Day of Socialism. And when you see the euphoria about the whole range
of “left” which was present, then you can say that there is not a
communist organisation anymore in Belgium...or at least in the
Flemish part of Belgium. And equally there is not any notion of
applying of Marxism in the WPB anymore, and that the WPB is a party
in which a president will never to be confronted with his
responsibility.
The
Day of Socialism, .....but what is socialism?
March
2010: On the website of the WPB there was an interview with Jan
Blommaert and Peter Mertens, by Han Soete, about the first Day Of
Socialism:
“Peter
Mertens
. ( ... ) Capitalism is in a very deep crisis . Whatever is
seperating us from eachother as socialists , let us round a number of
themes pull at one rope. Today, capitalism in crisis , not socialism
, socialism is the youth and the future of the world and we going
together elaborate this, in dialogue, in debate, in discussion and
sometimes in struggle (...)
Jan
Blommaert
. There was no result in the form of resolutions come true,nor any
kind of program . But that was not the intention . We wanted to bring
people together in a form which is not typical for the left . On the
left we have a huge historical dominance of social democracy and a
strong fragmentation of the left wing of the Social Democracy. Now we
had ' wide left' that now sat together : a lot of people from very
different backgrounds under one roof . The concrete positions will
probably be forgotten but not the atmosphere and the willingness to
go forward. As movement
Peter
Mertens
. People want to understand what is going on with the world and the
capitalists have no answer , Marxists and socialists do . It's about
time we pulled the ' debate' back to us . If for example the debate
is about unemployment than the debate always starts from neoliberal
perspective : Activating more , work longer , our position of
competitivity ... That is what we want to bring about a change . We
must later decide together what common struggle or action there can
exist. But to come to that , we must first talk really well . Today
we have with 800 people put step one: , we are standing here again as
Marxists and socialists . ( ... )
Jan
Blommaert
. There are certain areas where about we have little or no Marxist or
leftist positions. For example , the working group multiculturalism
was about religion. You notice immediately that we there is no
tradition of talking about let alone analyze it. We have lived 150
years with the statement" it is the opium of the people".
And that was it! A socialist was not a Catholic , by definition ,
preferably anti- Catholic. But today we are all over the world with
new phenomena of religious organization and processes , we must dare
to face to see. There is still a lot of work , but we have a toolbox
and a huge expertise. The latter I really want to emphasize : the
people who have spoken here today in the various working groups ,
were of a very high level . We can certainly go on for a while with
that human capital and content . Which is not to say that it has all
been resolved, on the contrary . I think it would be good if we could
of course say ' voila , things are clarified , we can continue . "
But for that we are not ready yet..
Peter
Mertens
. We must not be afraid to reconstruct again. We've known for over
twenty years, neoliberalism and parallel with this was the theory of
the end of coherent stories , the end of Marxism and even the end of
history . Do not underestimate what that is, it is a real loss of
ideology in the society . That means you does not give any more to
the people any image of society . In what society do we live and
what are other possible forms of society? How is it that companies
can still make profits and put thousands of people on the street ?
How isit possible that there are historically so many unemployed and
that we, who are 55 of age, will have to work harder and longer ?
That those questions here today were back at issue , is an incredible
enrichment . (.... )
That can make be the debate and insights only richer . I do not have about a lot the same opinion as Mayor Termont but I think it's very good that we have worked on. This Day of Socialism together I am also very curious about the reception of his speech by sp.a8. He talked about nationalizing again , he was , for example, in favour of a taxation of fortunesor the “millionaire's tax” , which are things for which we of the WPB are also in favour of . Hopefully we can fight together for this . ( ... )
I thought that was important . For once a place where we listened to each other and really went into a discussion or debate with each other , really trying to understand each other. It was partly my initiative , a fact which had a disadvantage in that area . It was soon seen as an initiative of the WPB and not of Peter Mertens , fortunately could transcend this.”9
That can make be the debate and insights only richer . I do not have about a lot the same opinion as Mayor Termont but I think it's very good that we have worked on. This Day of Socialism together I am also very curious about the reception of his speech by sp.a8. He talked about nationalizing again , he was , for example, in favour of a taxation of fortunesor the “millionaire's tax” , which are things for which we of the WPB are also in favour of . Hopefully we can fight together for this . ( ... )
I thought that was important . For once a place where we listened to each other and really went into a discussion or debate with each other , really trying to understand each other. It was partly my initiative , a fact which had a disadvantage in that area . It was soon seen as an initiative of the WPB and not of Peter Mertens , fortunately could transcend this.”9
No
distinction between reformism and revolutionary political line,
between “social-democrats” and communists: “ Whatever
is seperating us from eachother as socialists , let us round a number
of themes pull at one rope”
and “ People
want to understand what is going on with the world and the
capitalists have no answer , Marxists and socialists do.”
and “ Today
we have with 800 people put step one: , we are standing here again as
Marxists and socialists”.
But
about “socialism” no serious word is written or heard... or about
the existence of and being member of the International Communist
Movement...
The
WPB does not know anymore the KKE but so much more Syriza....:
“Peter
Mertens is one of the central guests during de Day of Socialism on
Saturday
2 November 2013 in the Singel in Antwerp (more info, see
www.rondetafelvansocialisten.be ). As a speaker he is also
participating at workshop 6: Latin-american solidarity versus
European competition. He will speak together with Francine Mestrum
and Giorgios Karatsioubanis of Syriza about a left democratic and
social European alternative.”10
On
a website (http://buybuyeurope.eu/ ) made around the book of Peter
Mertens “How
dare they”
some experts are invited to comment some topics of the book.11
One
of those experts, an expert out of Greece is... a cadre of Syriza:
Efklides Tsakalotos On the website it is formulated as: “Efklides
Tsakalotos is professor at the university of Athene, Department
International and European Economic Studies. He was before also
professor at the University of Kent (GB). He is economic advisor of
the party Syriza and is member of the Greek parliament.”
On
an activity of the WPB, ignoring the guidelines of the 15th
IMCWP, ignoring the warnings of the KKE and the NCPN (they are even
not invited) ... friendly talking with the reformist SP and Syriza,
....and all WPB-members enthusiast .... for reformism
As
if there was never an European Communist Meeting were the WPB and the
NCPN were (sisterly) participating, were the NCPN warned for the
reformism of the SP and where (which is logical because openly
reformist) the SP was NOT present, not even invited....read the
following on the website of the WPB itself(?!), an interview by
Solidair (weekly of the WB) with her president Peter Mertens and
Emile Roemer, president of the SP:
“On
the third day of the socialism we brought two personalities of Left
in the Low Countries together. Peter
Mertens and Emile Roemer. Brothers in arms, who learn from each other
and respect each other's individuality
.
Peter
Mertens , president of the PTB , and Emile Roemer , leader of the
Left Party Dutch SP ( Socialist Party ) can get along well with each
other .Giving each other cordial shoulder pats,
Emile
Roemer
. ( ... ) On a certain moment we were in the polls at about 25 to 30%
. Then you have to say to the people : "If we are effectively so
great , we're going into the government ' "
In
the Netherlands, people did not vote for the Social Democrats to keep
the liberal Rutte in the Turret ( the official residence of the Dutch
prime minister , editor's note ), but contrary to it to get him out.
Within five days Rutte was back in the Turret and the Social
Democrats were there. Then you fuck with the bunch! ( ... )
Peter
Mertens
. If you look at France , Netherlands , Belgium as well , you will
see that the Social Democrats essentially have learned nothing from
the economic crisis . They just participate in managing the system.
While there are so many problems , ordinary people in all possible
ways had to pay the crisis... ( ... ) You need, I think, mobilizing
demands which will stop the hold-up and make the millionaires really
to pay , and which increase the purchasing power and expand
democratic rights . ( ... )
You
should look carefully at each level . In (the district-council of)
Borgerhout we have a partnership with sp.a (the
“old”Social-democratic Party) and Green on the board :
( ... ) But where should we collide , we collide . ( ... ) And then
you collide automatically with the federal government .
'
Yes' to a concrete cooperation on the ground , and in the action .
But not when it is in the name of a vague unity us is asked to give
no critic on a certain policy (.... ) Then the N -VA and the extreme
right get the monopoly on criticism and then we push anyone who is
dissatisfied, in that same corner. Therefore, we
must criticize the participation of the Social Democrats to the
government .
Emile
Roemer .
And that are just the reasons for which our parties were founded .
The Social Democrats are trying to find some social measures within
this neoliberal system But when they help then to break down those
same social gains, then you have to ask them : Why do you do that ?
.(...)
We
need to give democracy back to the people . We need to give people
more influence back on their own work-spaces, in their own
neighbourhood . People who have learned a job must be valued again
and not be chased all day by managers to fill out this or that paper.
Those are are the reasons which make people sick or burned out . (
... )
Peter
Mertens.
We have in hundreds of years built out social security ourselves. We
have not received it as a gift , there is been fought for . Social
struggle has made ( ... ) that we have social security ... That was a
long process . But in a time span of roughly thirty years, it is been
radically attacked . We are going to have to build a lot again. Many
people are impatient , but it takes time to rebuild power relations
and to make that turn in the minds.
(....)
Emile
Roemer
. Five years ago we did not want to have any part in governing. But,
look , a
certain moment we were in the polls at about 25 to 30% of the votes.
Then you have to say to those people : "If we are effectively so
big , we take that responsibility and go in the government . "
When the people get the idea that they can vote for us, but we're
never the government go in, then you are not honest . So we have
prepared our voters and our supporters for the possibility that we
might actually get involved . Because then you can achieve even more
than in the position we are in now.(...)
Peter
Mertens
. At
the local level ... I recognize what Emile says
. We have had this discussion last year when we decided to step in
the administration of the district-council in Borgerhout note You can
not make it that before the elections , you are giving hope to a
whole generation of young people and then to have someone on your
list who got the most votes in Borgerhout picks, and then to say
after the elections: no , let Borgerhout in the hands of the N -VA .
Then would people blame us that very seriously and I would also blame
ourselves whenever we would have done this. We knew if we sit in the
coalition that must be a strong team , a team that dares to engage ,
to sensitize and mobilize the people of Borgerhout . Because we knew
in advance that we would collide with the higher authorities on
different domains
That
is also our opinion at the federal level
. If you were to step into such a government then you should know in
advance : we will collide with the political unity of the European
Union . And so you have to be able to form a solid anti- capitalist
government, with a strong program that is daring to mobilise the
people. Because you know in advance that it is not easy. In most
European countries, we do not are at this moment in such a situation
. But
when you get into a government without that power relationships, then
you know that you are on a slippery slope . The first task therefore
remains , in our opinion , to build out the balance of power in the
practice and help people to make the switch from passivity to
activity
( ... )
The
city-council is a lever to achieve your goal and not a goal on
itself. Just sit there and occasionally do your word , there you go ,
the world will not change with it. ( ... ) It is the number one
requirement for a department (of the party to participate in
city-council-elections, editor's note): go to the streets , mobilize
people , engage them there. I think that's a great feature of the SP
. If you get more in the media and you got once in parliament, the
temptation is very great to give up militant grass-root-work. I
think the SP handles this in a clever way. I respect the SP because
it is not a talk - left , but a do-left.
We
ourselves are now holding .our growth curve under control. We are
working this year very hard in the formation of department-cadres,
and in the formation of people who want to join the WPB as an active
member. 2013 was a year of consolidation for us . In a short time ,
our membership has tripled . Now we have to step on the brake in
order to be able to form the people we have ,and to build workable
departments. Because, believe me , we have already committed some
stupid things , though. ( ... )
Now
we
learn a lot from each other
and we're not stabbing it under a bushel . If we have a problem ,
like now, for example with a party that is growing immensely , we
call them and they help us . We
can disagree , and that's a nice feature . We think about a lot of
things the same, but we are not the same . There are people on the
left who say we can only work together if we all thought exactly the
same points . I do not believe that. We have our traditions , our
Marxist backbone , our interpretation of a socialist future . Which
are different from that of the SP. But that's no problem .
And maybe our vision is to be adjusted by history , perhaps of them ,
maybe both . I appreciate the way in which we can work together , as
we work with other parties in Europe 12”
In
fact more similarities between de WPB and the SP than differences.
And those differences are not qualitative but quantitative. And the
WPB “can
work together”
with reformist parties in a same way as they “can
work together”
with parties which are warning against those reformist parties. And
for a step into the managing of the system you have to have
- enough votes which are supporting this ambition in participation of the management of the system
- have a program of demands, which people accept to be active for, in strikes, in manifestations or other mass-actions..... and so at the end wil vote for it, as was the strategy of ALL the Social-Democratic parties of the Second International and was the strategy FROM THE FOUNDING of the Belgian Labor Party (Belgische Werklieden Partij) in 1885
- having enough votes and a supported program of demands, you have a strong position in the negotiations for a coalition-government which will be able to comfort the people by the partly (because you are in a negotiated coalition) through a realisation of a part of the demands (the by negotiation convinced coalition “partner” accepted part of demands, which will calm down strikes and manifestations, which prove the advances for the capitalist system (presented by the coalition “partner”) to let participate you in managing the system.
On
Solidnet.org enough unmasking arguments can be found:
The
WPB considers the revisionist PCB (the “old” Belgian Communist
Party founded in 1922) in 1985 as a “Marxist-Leninist party” and
confesses to have the same “Marxist-Leninist principles”
(revisionism
= bourgeois political line and ideology formulated in
Marxist-sounding phrases)
Bert
De Belder, member of the PTB's PTB/PVDA/WPB) National Council and
head of its Department of International Relations in an interview for
AKEL's daily newspaper HARAVGI:
Although
we don't see it as our
principal arena of struggle,
the Workers' Party of Belgium (PTB, for 'Parti du Travail de
Belgique') has been participating in elections since its very
foundation in 1979. In the early years, the Party was able to get a
few councilors elected in municipalities where the Party has a
people's clinic providing free health care. In the year 2000 we
obtained good results in two working class municipalities where we
applied the principle “from the masses, to the masses”. We
based our election programme and our mass campaigns on what the local
people themselves indicated as their priorities, no matter how
trivial the issue (such as the price of garbage bags or the opening
hours of the local swimming pool).
In
the ensuing years, there was a struggle in the party to further break
with old
habits
of sectarianism and ultra-Leftism. Its results were systematized at
the Party's 8th Congress, concluded in early 2008.There we decided to
combine steadfastness as regards our
basic Marxist-Leninist principles
with flexibility in our tactical approaches towards the masses, the
trade unions, alliance work and the mass media. We also underscored
the need for the
Party to become truly working class-based.
It
is this process of reaffirmation and renewal, together with the
objective conditions of a deepening social and economic crisis, that
led to the PTB's further advance in the October 2012 local elections,
where we increased threefold the number of our local councilors.(...)
On
the 25th of May 2014, concomitant with the European elections,
Belgium will hold national and regional elections as well.
The
PTB will exert all efforts to obtain, for the first time in its
history, one and possibly two deputies in the national parliament
(our spokesman Raoul Hedebouw in Liège and our chairman Peter
Mertens in Antwerp), and at least two in the regional parliaments.
According to recent opinion polls, this seems to be a realistic
objective, but we are well aware that it will still entail a lot of
hard work by all our members.(....)
How
many years have passed since
a Marxist-Leninist party was represented in the parliament of
Belgium?
Since
1985, no communist
has been represented in the Belgian parliament, nor in the regional
parliaments. Paradoxically, throughout the years, the more the
electoral results of the then Communist Party of Belgium (PCB)
declined,
the
more it stressed that parliament would be its main arena of political
activity,
even if maintaining a certain presence and activity among workers and
in the trade union movement as well as in the peace movement.13
Propagating
a program of economic and democratic demands (on which in the unions
and big companies the people can vote in elections), the WPB will
watch “how
the workers will empowered and enlightened break with the capitalist
system”
What
is the
basic strategy of the struggle of the PTB?
How is your cooperation with trade unions?
Our
Party aims to arouse, organize and mobilize the workers
– defined in the broadest possible way, but with a priority for the
workers in the big companies and the main public services – for
a militant struggle for social and democratic rights and for concrete
improvements in their work and living conditions. Such a struggle is
at the same time a school to discover the power of collective action
and to give it a political orientation.
Through
this process, and by further building and strengthening the Party, we
are confident that
more and more workers will become empowered and enlightened so as to
finally break with the capitalist system and strive for an entirely
different and new society, socialism.
This will be the result of the convergence of several major struggle
movements in various fields (social progress, democratic rights,
international solidarity, peace, the protection of the environment)
over a longer period of time, in which the working class is
diametrically opposed to the capitalist class and finally will be
able to take power.14
Reformism:
“Movement is everything, the goal is nothing”, economism:
“following the development of the struggle”, and nineteenth
century liberalism (bourgeois nationalism): “nationalist unity,
the transition stage before socialism”.
The
PTB sees the trade unions as the workers' first and most important
mass organizations. While part of their leadership remains closely
linked, ideologically and organizationally, to the main bourgeois
parties – the social-democratic and Christian-democratic ones –
in general the Belgian trade union movement offers space and
opportunities for progressive and even anti-capitalist standpoints,
actions and campaigns. We collaborate as closely as possible with the
trade unions, both with shop stewards at the factory floor and with
trade union secretaries and structures.
With
this open and respectful attitude, we observe that the trade unions
are more and more willing, and sometimes even eager to invite, listen
to and exchange with our comrades, to share analyses and materials
and to undertake common actions.
Your
party is the only party in Belgium that is bilingual and does not
distinguish on the basis of the two national communities of the
country, Dutch- and French-speaking. What is your position on the
national issue and the unity of Belgium or the secession of any part
from the country?
(...)
Actually, after six rounds of reforms of the federal State, Belgium
already has many features of a confederal State, with the most absurd
manifestations regarding administration, bureaucracy, language use,
subsidies and the like, especially in the bilingual capital city of
Brussels.
The
PTB defends the unitarian character of the Belgian State as the
terrain that is most advantageous to advance the workers' struggle,
and is opposed to separatism and any form of national
chauvinism.(...)
Brussels
is the administrative centre of the EU and the NATO. What is your
position on these two organizations?
On
NATO we can be brief. It is an aggressive military alliance of the
major Western imperialist powers.(..)
The
PTB sees the EU as a construction that serves the needs of European
big capital and that is anti-democratic, anti-worker, anti-peace and
imperialist in nature. In its competition with other imperialist
centres, Europe's big capitalists needed to equip themselves with a
stronger and bigger State apparatus than just that of any single
bourgeois State on the continent. Thus, with every new treaty and
even more so since the recent deepenig of the crisis of capitalism,
the EU is more and more becoming a European super-State under
construction.
The
EU currently defines and imposes already up to 80% of new laws in its
member States and is further building and strengthening its common
monetary, economic, foreign affairs, defence and repressive
capacities. For these reasons, we don't see it useful for the working
class and the PTB to demand and fight for Belgium's withdrawal from
the EU.
In
our eyes, fighting
the EU should not be much different from fighting our respective
national States, as both are instruments of class oppression used by
the bourgeoisie against the workers. We expose and oppose them in
order to advance the social and democratic rights of the workers, in
the process building up forces for socialist revolution, which we see
occurring on a larger scale than just that of one or a few European
countries. As we all face the same attacks and challenges, it is
necessary to build cooperation and coordination of class struggles on
a European level.
What
are your thoughts on the capitalist crisis, the austerity measures
and the troika impositions on the people of Greece, Cyprus, Spain,
Ireland, Portugal etc.?
For
the PTB, it concerns a structural crisis of world capitalism, a
crisis of relative overproduction and over-accumulation of capital.
We now see an acute manifestation and exacerbation of the crisis that
started already way back in the early 1970s. It cannot find a real
solution within the capitalist system, however large the dose of
neoliberal austerity measures or however 'generous' the Keynesian
'recovery' programmes.
The
extremely harsh austerity measures that the troika is imposing on
several countries – and which, by the way, are similar in non-EU
countries or in countries, such as Belgium, that seem to be less
affected by the crisis – can only incite the workers and the people
to a more determined resistance and to the insight that what is at
play is really a “system error” that needs to give way to a
“system change”, to socialism.
What
are your relations with AKEL and what is the position of the PTB on
the Cyprus problem?
(...)On
the Cyprus problem, we fully share the analysis and the solution put
forward by AKEL for an end to foreign occupation and military
presence and for the establishment of a bizonal, bicommunal
federation with political equality, in the framework of a single
united state, to be achieved in full independence, without any
interference by the big powers. From our Belgian vantage point, we
can all the more appreciate the importance of this issue for the
people of Cyprus.
The
solution of any national problem will greatly facilitate the joint
struggle of the workers and the people for their social and
democratic rights and for socialism.15
1http://www.solidnet.org/15-imcwp/15-imcwp-guidelines-for-common-or-convergent-action-en-pt
, 15th international Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties,
Lisbon, 8-10 November 2013: “Guidelines for common or convergent
action”
2http://www.solidnet.org/luxembourg-communist-party-of-luxembourg/cp-of-luxembourg-6th-common-conference-between-the-kpl-the-ptb-the-ncpn-and-dkp-de,
CP of Luxembourg, 6th common conference between the KPL, the PTB,
the NCPN and DKP. Wednesday, 13 April 2011 16:46.The Communist
Party of Luxembourg, http://www.kp-l.org
, mailto: kpl@zlv.lu: „Kapitalistische
Krise und kommunistische Kommunalpolitik - Kommunisten
aus Belgien, Deutschland, Luxemburg und den Niederlanden berieten in
Remich“
3http://www.solidnet.org/greece-communist-party-of-greece/15-imcwp-contribution-of-cp-of-greece-en,
15 IMCWP, Contribution of CP of Greece [En., Ru., Pt., Sp., Ar.],
Friday, 08 November 2013 13:58 Communist Party of Greece ,
INFORMATION BULLETIN of the International Relations Section of the
CC: “Speech of Giorgos Marinos Member of the PB of the CC of the
KKE at the 15th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’
Parties in Lisbon”
4http://www.solidnet.org/netherlands-new-communist-party-of-the-netherlands/15-imcwp-contribution-of-ncp-of-the-netherlands-pt,
15 IMCWP, Contribution of NCP of the Netherlands [En.], Friday, 15
November 2013 15:43 New Communist Party of the Netherlands, Speech
of Wil van der Klift,
5http://www.solidnet.org/belgium-workers-party-of-belgium/15-imcwp-contribution-of-wp-of-belgium-en,
15 IMCWP, Contribution of WP of Belgium [En.], Thursday, 14
November 2013 11:39 Workers' Party of Belgium (PTB), “Capitalism
in crisis, new times for socialism” - Workers' Party of Belgium
(PTB) - Contribution to the 15th International Meeting of Communist
and Workers' Parties”
6http://www.solidnet.org/belgium-workers-party-of-belgium/15-imcwp-contribution-of-wp-of-belgium-en,
15 IMCWP, Contribution of WP of Belgium [En.], Thursday, 14
November 2013 11:39 Workers' Party of Belgium (PTB), “Capitalism
in crisis, new times for socialism” - Workers' Party of Belgium
(PTB) - Contribution to the 15th International Meeting of Communist
and Workers' Parties”
7http://www.solidnet.org/15-imcwp/15-imcwp-guidelines-for-common-or-convergent-action-en-pt
, 15th international Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties,
Lisbon, 8-10 November 2013: “Guidelines for common or convergent
action”
8The
sp.a is the Flemish social-democratic party. Its Wallonian
counterpart is the Socialist Party of premier Di Rupo.
9http://www.pvda.be/nieuws/artikel/dag-van-het-socialisme-interview-jan-blommaert-en-peter-mertens.html,
23 maart 2010, Dag van het Socialisme :: Interview Jan Blommaert en
Peter Mertens door Han Soete
10http://www.rondetafelvansocialisten.be/archives/1628
11http://buybuyeurope.eu/nl/experts/
12http://www.pvda.be/nieuws/artikel/peter-mertens-pvda-belgie-en-emile-roemer-sp-nederland-wij-zijn-geen-praat-links-maar-doe-lin.html, Nick Dobbelaere 5 november 2013 07:46, 'Peter Mertens (PVDA België) en Emile Roemer (SP Nederland): “Wij zijn geen praat-links, maar doe-links” '
13http://www.solidnet.org/belgium-workers-party-of-belgium/wp-of-belgium-the-current-situation-and-challenges-of-the-workers-party-of-belgium-ptben
WP of Belgium, The
current situation and challenges of the Workers' Party of Belgium
(PTB)[En.]Monday, 09 December 2013 12:24 Workers' Party of Belgium
(PTB), “The current situation and challenges of the Workers'
Party of Belgium (PTB)“, Interview of Bert De Belder, member of
the PTB's National Council and head of its Department of
International Relations,for AKEL's daily newspaper HARAVGI.
14http://www.solidnet.org/belgium-workers-party-of-belgium/wp-of-belgium-the-current-situation-and-challenges-of-the-workers-party-of-belgium-ptben
WP of Belgium, The
current situation and challenges of the Workers' Party of Belgium
(PTB)[En.]Monday, 09 December 2013 12:24 Workers' Party of Belgium
(PTB), “The current situation and challenges of the Workers'
Party of Belgium (PTB)“, Interview of Bert De Belder, member of
the PTB's National Council and head of its Department of
International Relations,for AKEL's daily newspaper HARAVGI.
15http://www.solidnet.org/belgium-workers-party-of-belgium/wp-of-belgium-the-current-situation-and-challenges-of-the-workers-party-of-belgium-ptben
WP of Belgium, The
current situation and challenges of the Workers' Party of Belgium
(PTB)[En.]Monday, 09 December 2013 12:24 Workers' Party of Belgium
(PTB), “The current situation and challenges of the Workers'
Party of Belgium (PTB)“, Interview of Bert De Belder, member of
the PTB's National Council and head of its Department of
International Relations,for AKEL's daily newspaper HARAVGI.
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