Each year a gathering of communist parties and orgnisation all over the world is organised by the WPB in Brussels. (see www.icsbrussels.org )
But in fact as I will prove this is a gathering of organisations – I will give the example of the Greek KKE- seriously “contaminated” by opportunism (dogmatism, eclecticism, empirism) and some organisations are totally lost in revisionism and are in fect transformed in REFORMIST (so objactively BOURGEOIS) organisations. Of the last ones I will give the example of the WPB. The other organisations are part of one of those two catagories.
I will take the example of the “General conclusions” which are approved by ALL the participating organisations. In a sequence of articles I will prove their opportunism.
But in fact as I will prove this is a gathering of organisations – I will give the example of the Greek KKE- seriously “contaminated” by opportunism (dogmatism, eclecticism, empirism) and some organisations are totally lost in revisionism and are in fect transformed in REFORMIST (so objactively BOURGEOIS) organisations. Of the last ones I will give the example of the WPB. The other organisations are part of one of those two catagories.
I will take the example of the “General conclusions” which are approved by ALL the participating organisations. In a sequence of articles I will prove their opportunism.
“The objective conditions at world level are favorable for the strengthening of communist parties. The general crisis of the capitalist system is worsening and tensions are sharpening. Far and wide, in various countries and continents, we are witnessing the rising up of the popular masses against the dire consequences of the crisis. In this context, communist parties need to strengthen themselves on all fronts: ideological, political and organizational.[1]”
This is a dogmatic idealist statement. Without first a clear and concrete analysis of “what IS a communist party” this concept can “filled” with al kind of “ideas” about the determination of “a communist party”. The “general conclusions” of the Third International were in fact: “The objective conditions at world level are favorable” .....for world-revolution, of which the Third International was defining the best possible strategy. (Read and compare here)
“ (...)… communist parties and their mass organizations have to be reinforced.
1. Current events put the passage from capitalism to socialism on the agenda. Communist parties have a crucial role to play in organizing the revolt, giving orientation to the struggle and showing the way to a fundamental questioning of the system of exploitation. The past and ongoing struggles everywhere attest to this fact. It makes a qualitative difference if the masses are politically educated, the vanguard organized, and the party ideologically and politically consolidated.[2]”
It is not that an organisation is NAMED “communist party” or declare herself being “a communist party” that she is automatically (and without internal struggle between a revolutionary and a bourgeois line about “the crucial role of a communist party”): the vanguard organisation of the working class.
“2. The party’s character depends on the strategic goal it chooses to achieve, i.e. socialist revolution, which means a break with the bourgeois system. For this very reason, one of its essential tasks is to distinguish itself from any form of opportunism or electoralism. Any illusion as to a fundamental reform of the capitalist system must be cut short, and the strategy implemented by reformist political forces to promise workers liberation through progressive reforms must be unmasked.[3]”
As I will prove further (or you can already read here in this document more about it) It is just because NO organisation in the ICS was/is not be able to “distiguish itself from any form or opportunism or electoralism” that organisations themselves still profiling as “communist parties” who still claim “to achieve socialist revolution” (WITHOUT clearly and concretely analysing what “socialism” and “socialist revolution” MEAN) have become “reformist political forces” which “promise” IN FACT “workers liberation through progressive reforms”. I see as example of the first kind of organisations, the Greek KKE and as example of the second, the Belgian WPB (PVDA/PTB)
“3. The distinguishing feature of communist parties lies in their loyalty to the revolutionary road and hence to the supremacy of class struggle. It is through class struggle and confrontation with the bourgeois forces that the party gets stronger and the working class wakes up to the consciousness that it has a historic task to fulfill. Parliamentary struggle and the work in bourgeois institutions are nothing but precious tools to better address the masses and lead mass struggles. Opportunists, who seek to spruce up the capitalist system, abandon class struggle and are completely submerged by parliamentary work.[4]”
Is this not happening with the Belgian WPB (and what has become by the former -Dutch - Marxist-Leninist organisation ..... which is now called “Socialist Party”- SP) focussing on election-campaigns in which all the intermediary “political and organisational” work is just a preparatioon of those election-campaigns.?
“4. One of the distinguishing features of communist parties lies in the recognition of the vanguard role of the working class. It is of utmost importance that the party be present in the workplace, in businesses, for this is where the decisive political and ideological struggle takes place, the fundamental battle between labor and capital. The party must constantly reinforce its proletarian character, also by paying great attention to work in the trade unions, the mass organizations of the working class. Within the unions it strives to create centers of struggle and defense of a class struggle-oriented trade unionism, and to connect the aspirations and demands of the workers with the political struggle, namely the overthrow of the capitalist order. Communists' importance and role in the trade union movement bestows on them high responsibilities: they have to be models of commitment, militancy and steadfastness in the defense of the working class and its interests, in their struggle and their efforts to provide information and education that is connected to actual practice. That is how communists can constantly improve the way they fulfill their responsibilities towards the workers.[5]”
When with the (only formal) “recognition of the vanguard role of the working class” is not linked to the “recognition” that the vanguard party is at the same time integrated part of the working class. This means that ALL its members and ALL its cadres are “on the class-position of the working class”, so that the individual personal interests have become identical to the objective historical interests of the working class: as fast as possible, as soon as possible, as efficient as possible, involving the biggest part of the working masses as possible, as globally as possible, GET RID OF CAPITALISM (IN ITS ULTIMATE POSSIBLE IMPERIALIST STAGE). When with the (formal) recognition of the vanguard of the working class” is hidden a petty-bourgeois fear of the violence of the class-struggle, or is hidden that there is no total dedication to the revolution but rather a feeling of “hoping that the revolution can wait a little time” or “perhaps the most work will be done by the part of the working class in another part of the world and we can just go quietly into socialism 'following' the tide”. This attitude of postponing revolution becomes in fact a bourgeois class-position of protecting the continuing of capitalism.
“5. Strengthening communist parties and preparing them for the challenges that lie ahead is the main task to be fulfilled in periods preceding struggles. First of all, the situation in each country has to be analyzed on the basis of Marxism-Leninism. An analysis has to be made of the classes and the balance of forces in play, in order to develop a revolutionary strategy and a policy of social alliances. A program has to be devised with immediate demands in support of the aspirations and needs of the working masses and which serves the revolutionary strategy. In the field of organization, communist parties use democratic centralism as an essential method and try constantly to improve its application.[6]”
A “division” of the program in a program with radical REFORMS and a program of (future?) revolution is a step towards REFORMISM by the way of the “theory of stages”. So it will be the party that will decide what are the most advanced “immediate demands in support of the aspirations and needs of the working masses”. But those “immediate demands” are other in the more advanced part of the working class than in the intermediary part and certainly other than in the more backward part of the working class. Speaking of a certain formulation of “immediate demands” will so lead to.....economism, a tendency that Lenin decides to fight against BEFORE could bespoken of organisation of the “vanguard of the workingclass” in a party. (read here about the fight against economism)
“6. While preparing for confrontations, communist parties must establish firmer ties with the masses. Wherever workers are struggling, they have to be present and affirm themselves as an autonomous force with mobilizing slogans. The concrete situation differs from one country to another and it is of utmost importance for the party to be able to assess strengths and weaknesses correctly as well as the level of consciousness of both vanguard and masses. It is necessary to develop a revolutionary strategy and tactics that will allow the masses to be set in motion. Indeed, the masses learn from experience, provided the party helps them avoid reformist and deceptive pitfalls. Appropriate tactics are used to assist the masses in gaining revolutionary consciousness as well as to rally as many allies as possible from among small and medium peasants, self-employed workers and other popular strata. Irrespective of its size, a communist party strives to strike deeper roots among the toiling masses.
7. Whether we will be able to seize all opportunities the crisis of the system offers to propagate socialism, will depend on whether our communist parties are vigilant, both ideologically and politically. The crisis of capitalism offers communists great opportunities, for many illusions about the blessings of capitalism have been shattered. The moment has come to convince those who are criticizing only neo-liberalism that the choice to be made is not a choice of policy but of system. The time has come to convince those who are criticizing the absence of strong measures against banks and speculators that the power of capital cannot be reformed; it can only be overthrown. The socialist system has to be put forward as the alternative. Propaganda for socialism has to be present in mass agitation, and not just as an idea to bring out when the time is ripe.[7]”
So with the formulation of those principles in fact is said: revolution will be done in one country at the time, with a NATIONAL communist party to lead it. How KKE (as one of the most respected participating party (to the ICS)is an example of such dogmatic eclectic opportunism (found in the formulation of these “General Conclusions” you can read here..... And just “propaganda for socialism”....all the parties of the SECOND International did this....and they were all becoming reformist!
“8. Whether communist parties will advance among the masses will depend first and foremost on whether they play a vanguard role in the struggle against austerity plans and war adventures, for social and democratic demands as well as for national and social liberation. Communists are the best defenders of immediate demands, as they fight for a society without exploitation of the workers. Working class power and social alliances are built through day-to-day struggles. It is in the struggle that the party develops authority, expertise and a strong presence among the working class. This will only happen insofar as the party takes responsibility for mobilizing the masses, making them aware and organizing them. The party will do this through its autonomous work and through the presence of its members in trade unions and mass organizations.[8]”
Here is formulated that revolution will not be of our times, it will happen (IF it will happen) in a FAR future, while in the mean time we will be busy in economic class-struggle and in action of solidarity whith those “far away” involved in open colonial war, and cannot decide to postpone revolution any longer. Perhaps there will be done the most important revolutionary struggle so that for us once it will be more easy to go to socialism. So this is NOT a proletarian class-position speaking but a petty-bourgeois class-position....which finally will lead to a BOURGEOIS class-position.
“9. It is important to assess the party's interventions in mass struggles constantly. This concerns the policy and tactics adopted as well as the results pertaining to the strengthening of the party and the mass organizations. The practice of criticism and self-criticism on the basis of Marxism-Leninism is essential in order to generalize our successes and rectify our errors. A party that applies such a materialist and dialectic practice will make faster progress.[9]”
This is making mist out of what are the essentials of Marxism (even when you are talking about Marxism-Leninism) Marxism is nothing more than applying dialectical and historical materialism (out of a self-chosen proletarian class-position) to analyse the world in order to come to knowledge how to change that world as radical as possible. A party of which each member and each cadre is applying this will only make the only revolutionary progress possible and as fast as possible.
“10. The crisis hits all layers of the working class.
· It hits women insofar as unemployment, underemployment, working conditions, salaries, specific women's rights and a multitude of discriminatory attitudes are concerned. Women were in the front line during the popular uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt.
· It hits migrant workers, refugees, undocumented workers. We particularly salute the strikes and militant demonstrations by undocumented workers in France, demanding access to decent jobs with full rights.”[10]
The BEST “solidairty” with uprisings and revolt which have to develop into anti-imperialist struggle and for socialist revolution, is to work on the revolution in your own region, in which you have a task to fulfill (if you consider yourself as “vanguard” or .....”communist”, which is corresponding to the objective interests of the working class of which you (as self-labeled “communist”) are making a part of. Declaring “solidarity” and publish “declarations” or organise solidarity manifestations is just keeping people busy (“the movement is all the objective nothing” as Bernstein said)
· “It also hits young people, who are often victims of growing unemployment, cutbacks in education and social security, flexible employment and the lengthening of the job career. For communist parties, this is a new opportunity to rejuvenate their ranks and recruit new forces among a generation that is “fed up” and is looking for a real way-out, which is socialism. Communist parties should also renew their methods of work: they must adapt to the era of electronic and instant communication in combination with the classical methods. The potential of those new methods for mobilization has largely been proven in the recent uprisings in the Arab world and elsewhere.[11]”
It is not the FORM in which you are “communicating” but which political and strategical line you are communicating which is decisive. It is not “before all” the young you have to organise, but the “vanguard” ....and normally they are young (as Marx, Engels and Lenin were when they become politically active)
Each organisation (bourgeois, fascist ... or proletarian) try to organise young people...
“11. In any mass work, the strengthening of the party through the recruitment of new members is the top priority. about it is a question of building an unshakable party, on which depend the orientation and the success of future battles.[12]”
This could be the guideline of bourgeois or even a fascist party.
“Immersion in class struggle is an excellent opportunity to train new generations of cadres and members. A significant proportion of young people - and certainly the generation that experienced the anti-communist wave after 1989 – have never witnessed a crisis of the importance or gravity of the present one. Today, they are preparing to take up their revolutionary role in the decades to come. [13]“
“Immersion in class-struggle”......? No, development of a proletarian class-position, the choice of being part of the working class, leaving behind possibilities of “changing” class-side behind. Read all the texts of Mao Zedong to “intellectuals”. (read for example here the paragraph "Mao Zedong in 1939 about the 4 May movement of 1919:" which is a part of this text of Mao Zedong)
“12. It is imperative that progress be made in international cooperation between communist parties, both at world and regional levels, through bilateral and multilateral meetings. We confront the same enemy, imperialism. We suffer the same attacks, we share worries and objectives. There are many possibilities for consultation, collaboration and mutual assistance, which should be exploited to the hilt. Mutual assistance means, above all, creating possibilities for learning from the most advanced experiences and achievements. This has to be done in the theoretical and political fields, in the field of party building, leadership of mass struggles and building of mass organizations. The experience acquired through class struggle, electoral campaigns, mass communication and agitation has to be shared more intensively. Mutual assistance and solidarity are essential.[14]”
“Learning from the most advanced experiences and achievements”, whatever could this be then learning (by studying) from the Russian and Chinese revolution. And why inventing boiling water of “internationalism” when you have the example of the III International....or then you have first to analyse in which they were correct and in what they were mistaken. But again, compare the “”general conclusions” of the ICS with those of the IIIrd International. (read here)
[1] 20th International Communist Seminar, “The strengthening of communist parties in times of a deepening capitalist systemic crisis”, Brussels, 13-15 May, 2011, www.icsbrussels.org , ics@icsbrussels.org, General conclusions, 15 May 2011
[2] 20th International Communist Seminar, “The strengthening of communist parties in times of a deepening capitalist systemic crisis”, Brussels, 13-15 May, 2011, www.icsbrussels.org , ics@icsbrussels.org, General conclusions, 15 May 2011
[3] 20th International Communist Seminar, “The strengthening of communist parties in times of a deepening capitalist systemic crisis”, Brussels, 13-15 May, 2011, www.icsbrussels.org , ics@icsbrussels.org, General conclusions, 15 May 2011
[4] 20th International Communist Seminar, “The strengthening of communist parties in times of a deepening capitalist systemic crisis”, Brussels, 13-15 May, 2011, www.icsbrussels.org , ics@icsbrussels.org, General conclusions, 15 May 2011
[5] 20th International Communist Seminar, “The strengthening of communist parties in times of a deepening capitalist systemic crisis”, Brussels, 13-15 May, 2011, www.icsbrussels.org , ics@icsbrussels.org, General conclusions, 15 May 2011
[6] 20th International Communist Seminar, “The strengthening of communist parties in times of a deepening capitalist systemic crisis”, Brussels, 13-15 May, 2011, www.icsbrussels.org , ics@icsbrussels.org, General conclusions, 15 May 2011
[7] 20th International Communist Seminar, “The strengthening of communist parties in times of a deepening capitalist systemic crisis”, Brussels, 13-15 May, 2011, www.icsbrussels.org , ics@icsbrussels.org, General conclusions, 15 May 2011
[8] 20th International Communist Seminar, “The strengthening of communist parties in times of a deepening capitalist systemic crisis”, Brussels, 13-15 May, 2011, www.icsbrussels.org , ics@icsbrussels.org, General conclusions, 15 May 2011
[9] 20th International Communist Seminar, “The strengthening of communist parties in times of a deepening capitalist systemic crisis”, Brussels, 13-15 May, 2011, www.icsbrussels.org , ics@icsbrussels.org, General conclusions, 15 May 2011
[10] 20th International Communist Seminar, “The strengthening of communist parties in times of a deepening capitalist systemic crisis”, Brussels, 13-15 May, 2011, www.icsbrussels.org , ics@icsbrussels.org, General conclusions, 15 May 2011
[11] 20th International Communist Seminar, “The strengthening of communist parties in times of a deepening capitalist systemic crisis”, Brussels, 13-15 May, 2011, www.icsbrussels.org , ics@icsbrussels.org, General conclusions, 15 May 2011
[12] 20th International Communist Seminar, “The strengthening of communist parties in times of a deepening capitalist systemic crisis”, Brussels, 13-15 May, 2011, www.icsbrussels.org , ics@icsbrussels.org, General conclusions, 15 May 2011
[13] 20th International Communist Seminar, “The strengthening of communist parties in times of a deepening capitalist systemic crisis”, Brussels, 13-15 May, 2011, www.icsbrussels.org , ics@icsbrussels.org, General conclusions, 15 May 2011
[14] 20th International Communist Seminar, “The strengthening of communist parties in times of a deepening capitalist systemic crisis”, Brussels, 13-15 May, 2011, www.icsbrussels.org , ics@icsbrussels.org, General conclusions, 15 May 2011
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten