It
is above all a group of “old” cadres in the WPB(PVDA/PTB), so
cadres who have in 1970 co-founded AMADA (Alle Macht Aan De Arbeiders
-”All Power To The Workers) and have co-founded the Workers Party
of Belgium (WPB/PVDA/PTB) in 1979, who are responsible for the
“introduction” of revisionism in the WPB (revisionism is the
BOURGEOIS political and ideological line formulated in
Marxist-sounding phraseology) in order to influence the majority of
the members of the WPB so that on her 8th
congress in 2008, the WPB could
make the by majority accepted turn to reformism (a “left”-sounding
political and ideological line “protecting” in all respects
capitalism). For me Boudewijn Deckers is an example of such a “old”
cadre who could hide for years his bourgeois class-position, but
apparently Herwig Lerouge is another example of an “old” cadre
who definitively changed class-position and is now “educating”
other members and cadres in revisionism.
It
is in Marxist Studies (see “www.marx.be”)
of which Herwig Lerouge is chief-editor and which is the formation-
and study-instrument par excellence, that Herwig succeed in
“infiltrating” revisionism. I am now talking specifically about
his “analysis” in Marxist
Studies no 100,
“The
participation of communist parties in a government: a way out of the
capitalist crisis?” (La
participation des partis communistes au gouvernement : une façon
de sortir de la crise capitaliste ?1)
He
makes first of all a unclear “mixture” of real reformism and a by
him observed form of “a certain opportunism by those communists who
today consider participation to government as to be allowed”. The
difference between “real correct communists” and “communists
who are mistaken” is, that for “real communists” participation
to governments is only allowed in “ a
situation in which fascism is forming a real threat or in which exist
the possibility of a transition into a real popular government, that
is to say in situations with an important class-struggle and a
balance of power in the benefit of the working people ( as it was in
Chili in the years of 1970, in Portugal in 1975...) In such
situations is it possible that we make alliances with forces who are
representing not-proletarian layers of the population but who are
also repressed by the monopolies or who are threatened by fascism or
foreign war-instigators. But only on condition that this power is
evolving or (want to) evolve towards a peoples-democracy and
socialism”
(“une situation où le fascisme constitue une réelle menace, dans le cas d’une situation où il peut s’agir d’une transition vers un gouvernement réellement révolutionnaire, c’est-à-dire dans des situations avec de très importantes luttes de classe et un équilibre du pouvoir favorable (comme le Chili au début des années 1970, le Portugal en 1975…) Dans ces situations, il est possible de sceller des alliances avec des forces qui représentent les couches non prolétariennes mais qui sont également opprimées par les monopoles ou menacées par le fascisme ou des belligérants extérieurs. Mais cela uniquement à condition que ce pouvoir évolue ou veuille évoluer vers la démocratie populaire et le socialisme, vers un État différent contrôlé par les travailleurs.2”)
(“une situation où le fascisme constitue une réelle menace, dans le cas d’une situation où il peut s’agir d’une transition vers un gouvernement réellement révolutionnaire, c’est-à-dire dans des situations avec de très importantes luttes de classe et un équilibre du pouvoir favorable (comme le Chili au début des années 1970, le Portugal en 1975…) Dans ces situations, il est possible de sceller des alliances avec des forces qui représentent les couches non prolétariennes mais qui sont également opprimées par les monopoles ou menacées par le fascisme ou des belligérants extérieurs. Mais cela uniquement à condition que ce pouvoir évolue ou veuille évoluer vers la démocratie populaire et le socialisme, vers un État différent contrôlé par les travailleurs.2”)
The
revisionism in his “conclusions” is hidden in his “proof of
correctness” of his conclusions” by the “confirmation
of the conclusions of Marx, Lenin and the Third International”
(“...confirment les positions de Marx,
de Lénine et de la Troisième Internationale à ce
propos”) He is “using” here a -
certainly by him known, or even by him PROMOTED (he is national cadre
from the first day of existence of AMADA and later the WPB) – an
existing dogmatic “laziness”
by a lot of members and cadres of the WPB and “communists” in
some “sister-parties” who assume the
existence of (historical) ANALOGUE situations for which can be
applied the SAME GENERAL CONCLUSIONS (mostly formulated by using
subjectively chosen QUOTES of Lenin, Marx, Engels,....
and by which those same “communists” are removing
themselves more and more from making a “CONCRETE analysis of a
CONCRETE situation” (..and THAT is what Marx, Lenin, .... were
always doing!)
It
is TODAY not
the contradiction between yes or no participation to governments that
is defining the “real revolutionary or Marxist” character of
communists.
Being
communist or being a communist organisation TODAY is defined by the
way in which he or his organisation is fulfilling concretely his
self-imposed task: working at the strategy and forms of
organisations which are meant to mobilise the workers and all other
layers of the populations for the fundamental and objective interests
of the working class as it is expressed by Marx in what had to be IN
FACT the objective of the Commune of Paris “ the expropriation of
the expropriators”: the overthrow of capitalism (in its actual
imperialist stage). And THIS has to be a part of the day to day
activity of communists.
Herwig
Lerouge is in fact “creating” a “transition-stage” whereby
the final socialist revolution is directed to a “later future”
stage.
It
is my opinion that the Greek Communist Party (the KKE) is opposing
this revisionism which Herwig Lerouge is developing for
“the formation of members and cadres of the WPB”, in order to get
a general acceptance for the turn into REFORMISM, as was done
on the 8th congress of
the WPB in 2008.
In
his speech on the 15e International Meeting of Communist and Workers'
Parties (Lisbon, 8-10 November 2013) Giorgos Marinos of the PB of
the CC of the KKEE formulated this as follows:
(T)he communist movement is obliged to make the greatest possible effort for its own independent ideological, political and mass struggle, to acquire a unified revolutionary strategy.
We assess that it is precisely this issue that must take its due position in all the discussions of the CPs in combination with the coordinated activity on the people’s problems in conflict with capital’s forces.
The communist movement must answer this crucial question, with what strategy will it be able to stand on solid ground and express as effectively as possible the interests of the working class, the popular strata in a line of conflict with capitalist barbarity. Treating socialism not as a goal for the distant future, but as an issue of the daily activity as its timeliness is highlighted by the torments of the peoples.(...) we can say that each form of bourgeois management serves the profitability of the monopolies through the imposition of the anti-people measures, the intensification of the exploitation of the working class, the deterioration of the situation for the popular strata.(...)
As a conclusion we can say that the class content and consequently the contemporary content of the ideological-political and mass struggle today is determined by the rupture, the conflict against the monopolies and the capitalist system, against the imperialist organizations. It is determined by the organization of the working class in the workplaces, by the formation of the alliance with the popular strata, the multi-faceted preparation for the overthrow of capitalism, for the socialist-communist society, for the abolition of the exploitation of man by man.
Our duty is to reflect on the fact that Marx and Engels in their era, which was an era of bourgeois revolutions, spoke about the independent ideological-political struggle of the working class. Our duty is to take into account how deeply they studied the experience of the Paris Commune in 1871 and that they spoke of the necessity of the working class power, of the smashing of the bourgeois state.
We have the duty to reflect on the experience of the great October Revolution in 1917 and to contribute to the adjustment of the programmatic directions of the Communist Parties, of their strategy to the requirements of our era.
“Imperialism is the eve of the social revolution of the proletariat” stressed Lenin.
A revolutionary situation was formed after the First World War in Germany, in Hungary, in Slovakia, in Italy. A revolutionary situation was formed in Greece in 1944 but the possibility was not transformed into a reality.(...)
The motor forces of the socialist revolution will be the working class as the leading force, the semi-proletarians, the oppressed popular strata of the urban self-employed, the poor farmers, who are negatively affected by the monopolies.(...)
The working class with its vanguard stance must play the leading role in the construction of the people’s alliance that provides an answer to the question regarding the organization of the struggle to repel the barbaric anti-labour- anti-people measures, to organize the people’s counterattack.(...)
The People’s Alliance adopts the socialization of the concentrated means of production, the central planning, the workers’-social control.
The rallying of the majority of the working class with the KKE and the winning over of vanguard sections of the popular strata will go through various phases. The labour movement, the movement of the self-employed in the cities and the farmers and the form of their alliance, the people’s alliance, with the anti-monopoly and anti-capitalist goals, with the vanguard activity of the KKE’s forces in non-revolutionary conditions, constitute the first form for the creation of the revolutionary workers’ and people’s front in revolutionary conditions.
In the conditions of the revolutionary situation, the revolutionary workers’ and people’s front, using all forms of activity, can become the centre of the people’s uprising for the overthrow of the dictatorship of the bourgeois class, for the prevalence of revolutionary institutions that undertake the new organization of society, the establishment of revolutionary working class power which will be based on the productive unit, the social services, the administrative units, the producer cooperatives.
Under the responsibility of the workers’ power:
The means of production will be socialized: in industry, energy-water supply, telecommunications, construction, repair, public transport, wholesale and retail trade, import-export trade, the concentrated tourist – restaurant infrastructures.
Land will be socialized as well as the capitalist agricultural cultivations.
Private ownership and economic activity in education, health-welfare, culture, sports and mass media will be abolished. They will be organized exclusively as social services.
State productive units will be created for the production and the processing of agricultural products.
Agricultural producer cooperatives will be promoted.
Central Planning integrates the labour force, means of production, raw materials and other industrial materials and resources, which will be used in the organization of production, social and administrative services. This is a communist relation of production and distribution that links the working people with the means of the production, the socialist organizations.
The overthrow of socialism is a heavy blow for the communist movement and the causes of the overthrow teach the essential compliance with the laws of the socialist construction, the observance of the revolutionary principles for the construction and the functioning of the Communist Parties, the ideological-political alertness for the prevention of opportunist mistakes and deviations. This is a duty of high importance. Nevertheless, the counterrevolution cannot overshadow the irreplaceable historical contribution of socialism which was constructed in the 20th century to social progress. The stance of each communist party is judged in relation to the defence of socialism against the slanderous attacks of bourgeois and opportunist forces. 3
1http://marx.be/fr/content/la-participation-des-partis-communistes-au-gouvernement%C2%A0-une-fa%C3%A7on-de-sortir-de-la-crise-cap'
"La participation des partis communistes au gouvernement : une
façon de sortir de la crise capitaliste ?", Auteur:
Herwig Lerouge, Études marxistes no. 100
2http://marx.be/fr/content/la-participation-des-partis-communistes-au-gouvernement%C2%A0-une-fa%C3%A7on-de-sortir-de-la-crise-cap'
"La participation des partis communistes au gouvernement : une
façon de sortir de la crise capitaliste ?", Auteur:
Herwig Lerouge, Études marxistes no. 100
3http://inter.kke.gr/en/articles/Speech-of-Giorgos-Marinos-Member-of-the-PB-of-the-CC-of-the-KKE-at-the-15th-International-Meeting-of-Communist-and-Workers-Parties-in-Lisbon/
Speech of Giorgos Marinos Member of the PB of the CC of the KKE at
the 15th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties
in Lisbon
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