So also, for example, the Declaration of 1999, a joint declaration of all the participating communist parties (proposed then by the WPB and so certainly subscribed by the WPB!) has disappeared.
But I had once downloaded that document... so you can here read it! About this falsification of her own history (the history of the WPB) I will write another moment.
This year there was in Brussels, in May 31 – June 2, 2013, the 22th ICS with the theme “The attacks on the democratic rights and freedoms in the world capitalist crisis. Strategies and actions in response.”1
The least one can say is that the CONTRADICTION between revolutionary ideology and reformist ideology is masked by an underestimation of existing opportunism INSIDE the circle of “communist” parties and organisations” (as the ICS should be) AND by the conscious USE (an act of REVISIONISM) of opportunist conceptions (which exist in different communist participating parties as for example – an I will analyse this! - the MLCPGB of Great Britain, the FRSO of the USA and the DKP of Germany) by in fact already (since her 8th congress in 2008!) to REFORMIST party degenerated WPB/PVDA/PTB.
Although the KKE is warning for opportunism....:
This year there was in Brussels, in May 31 – June 2, 2013, the 22th ICS with the theme “The attacks on the democratic rights and freedoms in the world capitalist crisis. Strategies and actions in response.”1
The least one can say is that the CONTRADICTION between revolutionary ideology and reformist ideology is masked by an underestimation of existing opportunism INSIDE the circle of “communist” parties and organisations” (as the ICS should be) AND by the conscious USE (an act of REVISIONISM) of opportunist conceptions (which exist in different communist participating parties as for example – an I will analyse this! - the MLCPGB of Great Britain, the FRSO of the USA and the DKP of Germany) by in fact already (since her 8th congress in 2008!) to REFORMIST party degenerated WPB/PVDA/PTB.
Although the KKE is warning for opportunism....:
“At the level of the strategy of the CPs, the detachment of the front of struggle for democratic rights from the anti-monopoly-anti-capitalist of capitalism, objectively leads to the rationale of an intermediate stage on the terrain of capitalism, in the rationale of the struggle for reforms on the terrain of the domination of the monopolies, even if they declare their faith in the struggle for socialism.
We have known the strategy of eurocommunism as a full development of this view. A strategy which detached politics from the economy and considered that the road to socialism passes through the expansion of bourgeois democracy. The outcome is well-known and the examples quite a few (e.g. The stance of eurocommunism in relation to the April revolution in Portugal, in Greece the line of support to the ND government in the name of the “National Anti-dictatorship, National Unity” after the fall of the military dictatorship etc). At the same time opportunism, while supporting the political system of the dictatorship of the monopolies, with as its tool the Party of the European Left acts to undermine and target the communist parties. As the President of SYRIZA characteristically mentioned in an interview that a party of the working class, a Bolshevik party, a party of the new type, “would not be a tool, but an impediment for the construction of an open broad democratic society.” 2“
.....the WPB is in very “radical” and “Marxist-SOUNDING” phrases in fact spreading REFORMISM:
“Moreover, any social or democratic right that has been acquired under capitalism has two aspects: it is the result of the workers' struggle and a concession by the ruling classes who are trying to avoid worse. Under capitalism, democratic rights acquired by the working class have never been granted. The right to organise, the right to strike, the right to vote, paid leave, the 8-hour working day and 40-hour working week, social security,... it was all acquired after long and hard mass struggles. “The most radical social and political changes were the result of vigorous expressions of public opinion's pressure and not through elections and the parliament,” writes the historian Gita Deneckere. “The restoration of law and order has never been obtained exclusively by the clash of arms and therefore concessions have been made to overcome the problems that came to the fore and implement pacification.” In Belgium, a Social Pact was signed on December 28, 1944. It gave rise to social security. According to Robert Vandeputte, former governor of the Belgian National Bank: “In 1944, company bosses were fearful of revolutionary currents. Communism was held in high esteem. They were right to fear expropriations and nationalisations.” Under capitalism, no achievement can be taken for granted. It remains always submitted to the pressure of capital. 3“
So is the WPB not criticising that what the Belgian Communist Party did, and what the KKE IS criticising:
Where the KKE is giving a concrete example (OF HER OWN HISTORY)....:
“At the level of the strategy of the CPs, the detachment of the front of struggle for democratic rights from the anti-monopoly-anti-capitalist of capitalism, objectively leads to the rationale of an intermediate stage on the terrain of capitalism, in the rationale of the struggle for reforms on the terrain of the domination of the monopolies, even if they declare their faith in the struggle for socialism.
We have known the strategy of eurocommunism as a full development of this view. A strategy which detached politics from the economy and considered that the road to socialism passes through the expansion of bourgeois democracy. “
Where the KKE is giving a concrete example (OF HER OWN HISTORY)....:
“The outcome is well-known and the examples quite a few (e.g. The stance of eurocommunism in relation to the April revolution in Portugal, in Greece the line of support to the ND government in the name of the “National Anti-dictatorship, National Unity” after the fall of the military dictatorship etc).”
....the WPB is using dogmatism in order to raise some mist over her antirevolutionary political line:
“Moreover, any social or democratic right that has been acquired under capitalism has two aspects: it is the result of the workers' struggle and a concession by the ruling classes who are trying to avoid worse. “
This GENERAL (and so DOGMATIC) statement is HIDING an “workers-aristocracy-ideology” and a REFORMIST (antirevolutionary and in fact ANTI-COMMUNIST) concept of society. Because when the WPB is giving the CONCRETE example of the installation of the “Social Pact” in 1944 she is NOT telling that it was possible because the Communists (The Belgian Communist Party) had no strategy for a revolution and capitulated for an installation of workers-power and in fact “allowed” the possibility of funding these “social and democratic rights” with extra-surplus-value extracted out of by colonialism submitted African (so the Congolese and Rwandese) population, not waging a anticapitalist (in fact anti-imperialist ) revolution.
The Belgian Communist Party, however did an heroic job (as the Greek Communists did) in organising the armed antifascist resistance but made the political mistake of “unlinking fascism from capitalism”.
The Belgian Communist Party, however did an heroic job (as the Greek Communists did) in organising the armed antifascist resistance but made the political mistake of “unlinking fascism from capitalism”.
The KKE is criticising this
“On this basis they seek to drag the working class and its movement into a position of supporting bourgeois democracy: either by calling for “anti-fascist fronts”, or in an alliance of the forces of the “constitutional arc” against the “fascist danger”, their common denominator is for the labour movement to line up in support of the bourgeois institutions, the bourgeois constitution etc. This led, for example, in France the PCF to call for a vote in favour fro the conservative liberal Chirac so that Le Pen would not win, or similar forces in Italy that supported various centre-left formation so that Berlusconi would not win, without of course curtailing the reactionary trends. How can the fascist views be dealt with if you defend the system that creates them? Fascism is capitalism, and as Brecht stressed in his era “'Any proclamation against fascism which refrains from dealing with the social relations from which this arose as a natural in necessity is lacking in sincerity. Whoever does not wish to abandon the private ownership of the means of production, not only will not be rid of fascism, but will need it.”
It is no accident that another prominent figure of the communist movement, Alvaro Cunhal (this year is the 100th anniversary of his birth), noted in 1997, when comparing the situation of the working class in a regime of bourgeois democracy with that of a fascist dictatorship: “How many of these situations and the characteristics of the labour relations and exploitation which were imposed by the power of the monopolies and land-owners in the era of the dictatorship are being repeated today with the replacement of the power of the monopolies and land-owners by the counterrevolutionary political line of the successive governments?”Is it not obvious that the basic cause is found in the socio-economic system? Is this not one of history’s great lessons?”
The problem is even greater when it is transferred from the electoral process to the movement. The acceptance of bourgeois legality leads in the end to the subjugation to – more and more restricted- the boundaries which are posed every time by the bourgeois state, to compromise with the “freedom” of capital to exploit the labour force.
At the level of the strategy of the CPs, the detachment of the front of struggle for democratic rights from the anti-monopoly-anti-capitalist of capitalism, objectively leads to the rationale of an intermediate stage on the terrain of capitalism, in the rationale of the struggle for reforms on the terrain of the domination of the monopolies, even if they declare their faith in the struggle for socialism.4”
The WPB is using general statements (using dogmatism as a form of opportunism), and does NOT concretely (self-)critic in order to be able to be SILENT about her antirevolutionary and REFORMIST line..
HERE, (click on “download” and than on “opening in Adobe-reader” or “saving”)you can read how these developments proceeded in the WPB.
The spirit of “in any case we try to get some consensus about something” is in the “General Conclusions”. By the use of some generalising “descriptions” (one cannot say “real analyses”) the contradiction between revolutionary line and reformist line is “covered”, leaving a lot of parties under influence by opportunism. By subscribing this “General Conclusions”, does the KKE have capitulated for the struggle against opportunism? Or was it just a matter of “respect of the autonomy of each party?” But then is the “Unity” in the ICS a very formal one!
I will analyse these “General Conclusions” in another article.
1http://www.icseminar.org/ICS/2013/ICS2013-Presentation.html
2http://www.icseminar.org/ICS/2013/Contributions_to_the_Seminar/ICS2013-Greece-KKE-EN.pdf, 22nd International Communist Seminar, Brussels, May 31 – June 2, 2013 - www.icseminar.org – info@icseminar.org -,"The attacks on the democratic rights and freedoms in the world capitalist crisis. Strategies and actions in response." Contribution of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE)
3http://www.icseminar.org/ICS/2013/Contributions_to_the_Seminar/ICS2013-Belgium-PTB-EN.pdf, 22nd International Communist Seminar, Brussels, May 31 – June 2, 2013 -www.icseminar.org – info@icseminar.org -, "The attacks on the democratic rights and freedoms in the world capitalist crisis. Strategies and actions in response.". contribution of the Workers Party of Belgium (PTB).
4http://www.icseminar.org/ICS/2013/Contributions_to_the_Seminar/ICS2013-Greece-KKE-EN.pdf, 22nd International Communist Seminar, Brussels, May 31 – June 2, 2013 - www.icseminar.org – info@icseminar.org -,"The attacks on the democratic rights and freedoms in the world capitalist crisis. Strategies and actions in response." Contribution of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE)
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