Lenin about revisionism -as developend by WPB on ICS-: “Kautskyite distortion of Marxism”

This year from May 31 till June  2, the International Communist Seminar (an initiative of the WPB herself more than 20 years ago) gathered in Brussels to discuss about the (by the WPB?) chosen subject “The attacks on the democratic rights and freedoms in the world capitalist crisis. Strategies and actions in response”.
It is metaphysics to present one aspect of the overall strategy of the bourgeoisie, to increase continually the level of exploitation, to wage sharp competition in order to win (temporarily) the struggle over the remaining market, over the ownership the most modern and productive capacities (and over the destroying the lesser productive and older, lesser competitive capacities “needed” to sell to the market (the billion possible consumers who have an income to buy), the incapability of imperialism to fulfil the social and vital NEEDS of the WHOLE humanity (7 billion).
Instead of the discussion of what has to be NOW the vital tasks and the most important strategy of those who claim to be the “vanguard of the working class” in order to lead the working class in her historical task: overthrow of capitalism..... the WPB force the International Communist Seminar to break the heads over which “strategies and actions” has to be developed “in response” of “the attacks on the democratic rights and freedoms in the world capitalist crisis”. In her proposed text (her own text and the proposed “General Conclusions”) her arguing is formulated in Marxist-sounding (but dogmatic) phrases, in order to mislead other communist parties or organisations who because of their underestimation of this dogmatism or because of their own “contamination” with “some” dogmatism. The result of this REVISIONIST practice would be a “postponing” revolution and socialism to a utopian far future (and in fact CANCELING them) One proof of this that the WPB can still NOT formulate “what is in fact socialism?” About this I will write in another article.....
OK, let see, how the WPB is arguing!

I. In times of crisis, fundamental rights are under fire
The capitalist system's ideologues have a tendency to present the State, laws and the justice system as neutral and representing the interests of all. However, when society is based on the private property of the means of production, which by nature is restricted to a limited number of people, genuine equality is impossible. 
Moreover, any social or democratic right that has been acquired under capitalism has two aspects: it is the result of the workers' struggle and a concession by the ruling classes who are trying to avoid worse. Under capitalism, democratic rights acquired by the working class have never been granted. The right to organise, the right to strike, the right to vote, paid leave, the 8-hour working day and 40-hour working week, social security,... it was all acquired after long and hard mass struggles.(...)
.. (S)ince the start of the crisis in 1973, a major offensive was launched against social and democratic rights in Belgium, through austerity plans. The government has propagated special powers, side-tracking parliament: the right to work and to unemployment benefits, the right to health, and wages were attacked vehemently. At the same time, under the guise of security and linked demagogically or not to the issue of immigration, the struggle against crime was used to justify the strengthening of the repressive system and to attack democratic rights.
Consequently, in 1989, the collapse of the socialist countries of Eastern Europe was just another opportunity for the bourgeoisie to pursue its offensive. Particularly nationalism and racism experienced a resurgence, with the emergence of a fascist party like the Vlaams Belang that was able to win up to a quarter of the votes in the North of the country, but also with a series of very repressive laws against the undocumented workers.(...)
Economic and social rights that have been acquired through long struggle, like the rights to social security (right to unemployment benefits that are unlimited in time, the right to early retirement,...) and decent working conditions (protection in case of layoff, the statute of civil service workers, limitations on temporary contracts, free wage negotiations and automatic linking of wages to the consumer price index,...) were attacked by the current government, led by socialist Prime Minister Di Rupo. There is also a plan to eliminate Collective Bargaining Agreements (CBA) that go beyond the company level. Basic rights are threatened. (...)
Attacks against the right to strike and collective action become increasingly clear. (...)
A general offensive against the unions themselves is developing in parallel. In the North of Belgium, the most aggressive bourgeoisie, represented politically by the right-wing nationalist N-VA, wants to marginalize and consequently to exclude trade unions, and create a "corporatist" Flanders. (...)
The democratic legitimacy of the organizations of the working class is put into question. Increasingly, formal democracy (election results) is used against the democracy created by the actions of trade unions and associations: trade union action is attacked in the name of parliamentary votes. (...)
This also explains the upsurge of anti-communism in times of crisis. The financial elite knows that the communist parties can grow significantly in times of crisis, as we saw in the 1930s. In our country, attacks of this kind begin to materialise, (...)
There is also a more general intention by the State to "discipline" the population in times of crisis. Workers are disciplined by the activation of the unemployed and other welfare recipients, forcing them to accept low-paid jobs or paid internships of 1,5 Euro per hour. In case of refusal, sanctions are being taken and social benefits are removed. The aim is to put pressure on wages and to force workers to accept any job.1

Talking in general and not talking about class-character: “the” State.... a “society based on the private property of the means of production, which by nature is restricted to a limited number or people”
And then it is suggested that the “democratic rights and freedoms” are the result of a historical decision of a homogenous working class to start that “long and hard mass struggle” with as objectives “The right to organise, the right to strike, the right to vote, paid leave, the 8-hour working day and 40-hour working week, social security” by which the bourgeoisie was more foresighted than the working class herself... and did “concession to avoid worse”.
Well in already the first chapter of “State and Revolution” and in the first part of that chapter  Lenin describes exactly how revisionists as the actual leadership of the WPB proceeds:

On the other hand, the “Kautskyite” distortion of Marxism is far more subtle. “Theoretically”, it is not denied that the state is an organ of class rule, or that class antagonisms are irreconcilable. But what is overlooked or glossed over is this: if the state is the product of the irreconcilability of class antagonisms, if it is a power standing above society and “alienating itself more and more from it", it is clear that the liberation of the oppressed class is impossible not only without a violent revolution, but also without the destruction of the apparatus of state power which was created by the ruling class and which is the embodiment of this “alienation”. As we shall see later, Marx very explicitly drew this theoretically self-evident conclusion on the strength of a concrete historical analysis of the tasks of the revolution. And — as we shall show in detail further on — it is this conclusion which Kautsky has “forgotten” and distorted.2

And why is the WPB so general about “the (capitalist) state”? It is because INERNALLY it is not so clear if the ACTUAL capitalist state which the WPB is confronting, is “Belgium” or the “European Union”.
Here above the WPB was talking about Belgium and how in Belgium the “democratic rights and freedoms” are under attack.
Further on the WPB is explaining how this is done on European Union level.

II. The European Union, spearhead against democratic rights
In Europe the bourgeoisie has willingly abandoned part of its powers to the European Union which functions as a spearhead against democratic rights. This has six dimensions :
The right to strike : The European Union wants to impose its four « fundamental freedoms » (the free movement of goods, capital, services and people) over social rights. (...)
The right to organize : Through framework decisions the European Union has developed a European penal law for political repression. These decisions define « terrorist intentions » as the will to impose a different model of society. (...)
The right to public services : The European Union allows capital to increasingly act without barriers and invade all sectors of society. Privatisations and deregulation have transferred fields formerly considered of public use and touching upon vital needs, to the boards of directors of private companies : communications (post, telephone, internet) , mobility (railways, urban public transport), the production and distribution of energy and water, pensions (pension savings), and increasingly health (private insurance) and education. 
Increasing authoritarianism of the executive and social rights : The European Union has accelerated the growing transfer from the legislative to the executive power : the powers of Parliament, already very limited, have been further reduced.(...) At lower levels, closest to the people, elected officials have very limited powers. Local autonomy has been emptied by European and national straitjackets. Municipalities are placed under guardianship.
The formation of European forces of repression :(...) European police units that can be used against popular revolts in Southern Europe are formed. Eurogendfor, a European Gendarmerie Force, is ready to start its operations in Greece.
Generalized control over the population. The European Union has developed legislative instruments that extend methods of control and repression beyond borders to confront potential popular resistance.3

And because not is analysed how the working class should organise herself in order to break the concrete developed capitalist state which is developed to protect actual capitalism (in her final imperialist stage) – by which there would be on international level certainly discussions if the national state (and here is “state” a by the international bourgeois institutions used term) or the developing imperialist state-machinery European Union is defining the way how the workers should be mobilised to organise themselves – and because there has “just” to be talked about “strategies and action in response of the attacks of democratic rights and freedoms” the following conclusions are considered as sufficient:

III. Response strategies and actions
The crisis of the capitalist system has multiple dimensions. The more this system shows its anti-social nature, the more it shows its anti-democratic nature. As Marxists, we fight economism that considers only socio-economic struggles as truly anticapitalist. Workers must lead all forms of struggles against capitalist exploitation and oppression. In so doing, communists take the lead in the conquest and defence of democratic rights.
Mass work, a presence in companies and neighbourhoods and the enlargement of the party are essential preconditions to take charge of these struggles, and to fight repression against trade unions and communist organisations by the authorities. (...)
As a party, we are on the front line for democratic rights. Over the last years the defence of social and democratic rights in the world of labour has been a major axis of intervention of our party, especially in the struggle against austerity programmes. But also in defence of trade union rights and the right to strike. Notably through the action of trade-unionists, lawyers and communists at the SNCB (railways), Carrefour (distribution), Ford and the national airport of Brussels (Zaventem). (...)
A crucial axis in the coming year will be the fight against the nationalist offensive of the N-VA that wants to win the 2014 national election in order to impose the division of the country, spearhead to dismantle a series of social and democratic rights.4

... and of course in order not to become judged to be “just a reformist party” the following is added in misty vague terms:

Ultimately, we propose these demands for democratic rights in a wider perspective of the struggle for socialism, the only way leading to authentic and complete democracy for the workers. Towards the end of 2014, we will hold a Congress on our societal  project, socialism. The theme of socialist democracy will be a major axis.5

Well about the vision of the WPB on “socialism” I will write in another article (as I have already done HERE in different articles...but in Dutch)
And now, the actuality let the KKE answer on the by the WPB forced subject of the International Communist Seminar, “The attacks on the democratic rights and freedoms in the world capitalist crisis. Strategies and actions in response.”.....
The KKE on her website about a new attack on the “rights that haved remained for the working people”:

The strike on 16th July with the demonstrations against the multi-pronged law of the government of ND and PASOK in Athens and in 65 cities throughout the country has been the starting point for new struggles. This draft law threatens to smash any rights that have remained for the working people both in the private and public sector,...(...)
Dimitris Koutoumpas, GS of the CC of the KKE (...): “this multi-pronged daft law is a monstrosity. Apart from the mass dismissals, the tax plundering, the cuts in the public organisation for healthcare we would like to denounce in particular the effort to generalize individual labour contracts with the reduction of the minimum wage, which is actually a starvation wage, below 500 Euros. The suffocation that our people feel must be immediately transformed into a mass people’s counterattack. The people must take their future into their own hands without expecting solutions from above so as to pave the way as soon as possible and turn their back to the new bipolar system which is being created”6.

   

1. 22nd International Communist Seminar , Brussels, May 31 – June 2, 2013 , www.icseminar.org – info@icseminar.org ,”The attacks on the democratic rights and freedoms in the world capitalist crisis. Strategies and actions in response.”. Workers Party of Belgium (PTB)   

2. http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/staterev/ch01.htm#s3,     Vladimir Lenin's “The State and Revolution”, chapter 1 “Class     Society and the State”, in 1, The State: a Product of the     Irreconcilability of Class Antagonisms”

3. 22nd International Communist Seminar , Brussels, May 31 – June 2, 2013 , www.icseminar.org – info@icseminar.org ,”The attacks on the democratic rights and freedoms in the world capitalist crisis. Strategies and actions in response.”. Workers Party of Belgium (PTB)

4. 22nd International Communist Seminar , Brussels, May 31 – June 2, 2013 , www.icseminar.org – info@icseminar.org ,”The attacks on the democratic rights and freedoms in the world capitalist crisis. Strategies and actions in response.”. Workers Party of Belgium (PTB)

5. 22nd International Communist Seminar , Brussels, May 31 – June 2, 2013 , www.icseminar.org – info@icseminar.org ,”The attacks on the democratic rights and freedoms in the world capitalist crisis. Strategies and actions in response.”. Workers Party of Belgium (PTB)

6. http://inter.kke.gr/News/news2013/2013-07-17-pame-strike.html,     Strike of PAME in Greece- starting point for new struggles”