On the 1st and
2nd of October 2012, in Brussels, the KKE organised an
European Communist Meeting with as subject to discuss about and on
which subject the KKE hoped to get useful and concrete proposals:
The stance of the Communist and Workers' Parties in relation to
the capitalist crisis: Assimilation or rupture? The illusion of the
pro-people management of capitalism and the struggle of the
communists for the interests of the working class and popular strata,
for the overthrow of capitalism, for socialism.
My
opinion is that a lot of Communist Parties, also those who
participated to this meeting, and also when they are to consider as
authentic communist parties defending their revolutionary ambitions,
are “contaminated” with some ideological opportunism (mostly -as
I should say – with forms of dogmatism and eclecticism). And - as I
see it - that opportunism makes them “blind” for real revisionist
developments (revisionism is a bourgeois ideology formulated in
Marxist-sounding phrases). And more: this revisionism is based on the
existence of non-detected and so non-fought opportunist conceptions.
I take the KKE as example of the former (here)
and the Belgian WPB (PVDA/PTB) as example of the latter (here).
So
about the Contribution of the Workers' Party of Belgium, I made a
distinct article (like I did with the introductory speech of the GS
of the KKE.)
I
elaborated my analyses about existing opportunism which can lead to
revisionism recently in two documents which I sent to 50 (presumed)
communist organisations (the first to download here,
the second here)
Here
I would give my opinion, based on a indeed quick and superficial
analysis – but as well published for the sake of promotion of
discussion – of (just those) parties which published a
contribution in English on the website of the KKE. (see the list of
all those parties here)
Of
course I know these are the points of view of an individual and not
by collective discussion obtained points of view....but I publish
them as well!
About
the Contribution of the Communist Workers´
Party – For Peace and Socialism (Finland)
The
Finnish CP gave some general remarks and formulated “intentions”,
but gave no contribution to the discussions for which the KKE
organised the meeting:
“Development
of the EU into a federal state according to the will of the European
economic consortium will trample underfoot more and more of the
European peoples´ democratic rights. If the EU is able to
convince peoples into this development, the capital will defend their
new class power if necessary, even fascist-like way. To prevent the
recurrence of the 20th century tyranny occurred in Europe, our
communists have to clearly address the nature of the European Union
as a fortress of the big business which oppresses the working class.
The European Union cannot be changed to the Europe of peoples. That
is why our Communist Worker's Party has been boycotting the EU
elections. We did not want to adapt the Finnish people to EU´s
supra-national decision-making powers and to believe that by
participating in the election Finnish people will contribute the
emergence of a democratic Europe. Our experience in the European
Union has strengthened us to present identification: Off the European
Union, boycott the EU elections. The European Union must be dissolved
and Europe must be formed to a cooperative area of independent
republics instead of a consortium of big capital.
The
growing power of capital raises industry leaders, who are alien to
the human emotions. Humanity does not move them. With their support
and funding has raised political officials and political parties, who
are ready to act obediently according the orders and plans of
large-scale industry and the financial consortiums. Therefore, it is
important that the labor movement nationally and internationally
increasingly endorse irreconcilable class struggle against
capitalism. Euro-communist, opportunistic communist parties and
reformist parties, as well as the trade union movement led by
reformists, which give their support to the European Union, in
reality do support the policy of war and vandalism of European
imperialist capitalism. They form together with the bourgeoisie the
front against the revolutionary class struggle. Only by returning
rich traditions of the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary struggle, can
be achieved organizational and ideological unity, which forms a
counterweight to the repressive politics of big capital. Only by that
way the united working class are able to prevent that Europe will not
be a large business enterprise of exploitation and oppression, and to
promote that the peoples of Europe do not go into the fascism and
more severe form of slavery.
About
the contribution of the New Communist Party of Britain
The
Communist Party of Britain, mixed the need of revolutionary strategy
against capitalism in the actual stage of imperialism with protest
and demonstrations against imperialist wars and against the
involvement of Britain in those wars:
”The
labour and peace movement needs to reassert itself, pending possible
attacks by the US on Iran and Syria, and stop the escalation to war
that threatens to envelop Iran and Turkey. There has been a failure
of CND and Stop the War to mobilise support for demonstrations in the
localities as well as nationally.
The
Achilles Heel of the US and British imperialism lies in the working
class of those countries, who are suffering unemployment and economic
stagnation. They demand major cuts in military expenditure and the
withdrawal of troops from the Middle East, which has been subjected
to outrageous wars. The resources should be switched from the wars in
the Middle East to use for peaceful and civil purposes and creating
jobs, which will be more fruitful for the British people.(...)
In
Britain the NCP supports the efforts of the Campaign for Nuclear
Disarmament and other peace movements for unilateral British nuclear
disarmament. We must campaign against any British participation in
NMD and for Britain’s adherence to the non-proliferation treaty.
One
immediate focus must be the demand to scrap the present Trident
nuclear missile programme and to fight against the Conservative,
Liberal-Democratic coalition government’s plan to spend further
billions on upgrading and replacing the Trident system.
Trident
is not an independent British nuclear-weapon-system, but a component
of the United States’ global nuclear strategy. Its power is
awesome, with the capability of bringing total destruction to
humanity anywhere and everywhere in the world.
This
relic of imperialism’s Cold War strategy has to go and the money
spent on socially useful projects such as health care, education,
affordable housing and decent state retirement pensions.(...)
We
call for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all British
troops from Afghanistan and an end to the occupation of all countries
by the imperialist powers.(...)
We
call for peace and for the acceptance of Palestinian rights, for
justice and an end to the oppression of the Palestinian people by the
US-backed Zionist leadership of Israel ― a cats-paw of the US in
the Middle East.(...)
We
support the efforts of the Stop the War movement and the other peace
and anti-imperialist movements working in the broad movement and call
for solidarity with the Syrian government and the Syrian communist
movements that are working for genuine reform that preserves Syria’s
independence and social system.(...)
The
NCP opposes British entry to the eurozone and calls for unconditional
withdrawal from the European Union (EU). The European ruling class
hoped that British entry to the eurozone would have strengthened
European monopoly capitalism and invoked an era of sophisticated
class war on the working class.
That
ruling class intent was that their rule would be strengthened by
cutting wages, social welfare, trade union rights, increasing working
hours and reducing job security. That by doing so the European ruling
class would build a zone that would allow European imperialism to
dominate the world. This must not be allowed to happen. Throughout
the European Union mass resistance is growing against austerity and
the ruling class offensive. Communists must be in the forefront the
of every－day
struggle, fighting for the maximum unity amongst the class to achieve
winnable economic gains and political objectives. We must always
present the case for revolutionary change and communism to end the
whole system of exploitation.
Communists
must confront the ruling class face on and help strengthen the labour
movement so that the cuts to the social wage are reversed. This can
be done by the Communists, left social-democrats, trade unions and
other people’s movements working together. Though the immediate
demand must be to reverse the cuts and to extend the social wage
there must be a political campaign led by the communists that
demonstrates that the social wage can only become a permanent feature
by workers taking state power.
In
this struggle we must expose bourgeois democracy for what it is –
democracy for the exploiters and dictatorship for the exploited.
Bourgeois elections, when they are held, are used so that the
smallest number of people can manipulate the maximum number of votes.
Parliaments no more makes the real decisions for the country than do
the councils in the localities.
Socialism
is the only way to eliminate exploitation, unemployment, poverty,
economic crisis and war. That will only come through revolutionary
change. And only a revolutionary party can make a revolution. Without
a revolutionary party there can be no revolutionary movement. Only a
revolutionary party can lead the class to overthrow the bourgeoisie.
It cannot be done through elections or syndicalism alone.
We
must work to restore the momentum for revolutionary change;
strengthen co－operation
and united action with communist and workers parties throughout
Europe and around the world; build solidarity with the global
anti-war movement and the forces for liberation in the Third World to
unite the class and march towards a new tomorrow ― the world Marx
and Engels predicted, the world that was heralded by the Bolsheviks
led by Lenin and Stalin, and a world that will surely come to pass”
About
the Contribution of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia
The
Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia, yet did not “digested”
the fall of socialism in Eastern Europe and showed that they did not
understand the role of revisionist development in this:
“The
process of transformation in countries of the former socialist bloc
affected deeply also communist parties and workers movements there.
Several parties broke up, many of them changed their name, and many
of them were prohibited. Some of them switched into social-democratic
platform. Those which resisted realized that it would be necessary to
get back to generally applicable ideas of Marxism and to start
realizing them in totally new conditions of current capitalist
society. The current development in Europe is affected by an
exceptionally strong anticommunist movements directed against our
parties. I mean alliances of right wing parties, mass-media,
different pseudo –initiatives and individuals.
Communist
party of Bohemia and Moravia means no difference. There was and still
is a task in front of us to look for new forms of work, to gain
allies but not only among workers, to use all the possibilities which
the state legislation offers, to get into the state representation,
and cooperate with trade unions and civil initiatives. We need to
look for some alliances with central-left parties, not at a cost of
compromises, but at concrete points which could be beneficial for
non-privileged citizens. We are aware of the fact, that the Communist
party does not exist only for itself, but it bears a big
responsibility for the fight for rights and future of these
non-privileged people.(...)
There
is much more at stake today, the game is about a future of a human
existence. That´s why the left has to strengthen its fight for
world peace and world security. And make good use of steps of those
countries, which defend peace in the international arena or the UN
Security Council.
The
situation in Europe and the EU is well-known. Therefore we think that
in such a way how right wing and neoliberal governments in the EU are
able to hang together even in conflicts and unite their attitudes
against rightful demands of workers, youth, elderly, immigrants and
small and medium enterprises, we should also find a way of common
fight against these forces. There is a time for common solutions.
Disintegrated Left can only serve in favor of interests and aims of
the Right, and definitely not in favor of wide non-privileged
public.
About
the Contribution of the Communist Party of
Denmark
The
Communist Party of Denmark gave just a description of the opinion of
the “average” Danish worker about the European Union and gave
some general remarks about the character of the European Union and
ended with the intention of participating on the needed ideological
struggle “ inside the Left and progressive movement, even inside
the labour movement, in order to unmask the illusions caused by the
apparent stabilization of capitalism inside the European Union”:
“The
theme of our discussion has been stated: The stance of the Communist
and Workers' Parties in relation to the capitalist crisis:
Assimilation or rupture? followed by a short elaboration. I think the
question mark will have to be taken in a rhetorical sense: For
Communists, at least, there can be really no question. Capitalism
will not be able to solve its own crises, or rather: What solution
capitalism will be able to bring about spontaneously or by deft
management, pro-people or other, will be of a strictly temporary
nature; sooner or later, the crisis will be back. (...)
Neither
can the debt crises of certain European countries be solved by the
European Union or by European or international financial
institutions. Theses crises are provoked by the relations of strength
inside the European or global imperial systems, resulting from a
striving of the dominant powers to shift the burden of the general
economic crisis onto the shoulders of the populations of weaker or
dependent nations. And the very institutions which supposedly should
be able to remedy these consequences of the relations of strength and
dominance inside the imperial systems were created in the first place
to safeguard these same unequal relations and regulate them in the
interest, not of the weaker but of the stronger parties.
(...)
The Union created the impression that capitalism was, after all,
capable of solving the problems it had itself created: Capable of
peace, of progress, of growth seemingly undisturbed by crises. This
illusion spread across Europe, east and west alike, and had
disastrous consequences: Why choose socialism with all the
difficulties, hardships and inevitable failures involved in building
a new society, if indeed capitalism was able to solve its internal
contradictions? For the ordinary European, the choice of socialism
was no question of idealism, of suddenly seeing the light, but a
matter of necessity. A necessity, which, it would appear, was no
longer there.
So,
the will to defend socialism in Europe collapsed. And despite the
disastrous consequences of the counterrevolution, the illusions of
the stability of capitalism and of the benefits of the European Union
remain. How hard these illusions are to break was seen in the Greek
election. The majority of Greeks, Italians, Spanish, Irish continue
to look to the Union for solution of the problems created by the
Union.(...)
Denmark,
by referendum, joined the Union in 1972 by a comfortable majority,
but rejected the Euro in 1993 by the narrowest of margins and again
in 2000, now by a larger but still modest 5 % margin. Today, polls
tell us that no less than 70 % of the Danes are against the Euro. The
experience of Southern Europe has not been wasted on my people, and
we hear surprisingly little talk from political quarters nowadays
about a third referendum.
Reality
speaks for itself, and sometimes it is heard. But generally, somebody
has to put it into words and show the way. In concluding, I should
like to concur with Comrade Papariga on the necessity of an
ideological struggle inside the Left and progressive movement, even
inside the labour movement, in order to unmask the illusions caused
by the apparent stabilization of capitalism inside the European
Union.
About
the Contribution of the (another?)Communist Party in Denmark
“The
stance of the Communists and workers parties in relation to the
capitalist crisis: Assimilation or rupture?The illusion of the
pro-people management of capitalism and the struggle of the
communists for the interests of the working class and the popular
strata, for overthrow of capitalism, for socialism.
Assimilation
is not a possibility for Marxists and communists. The date has run
out for the capitalist system.(...)
The
bourgeois, the social democrats and most of the left wing parties
give people the illusion that the former so-called welfare policy
still can be saved,by making the necessary cuts and priorities to
save money. In the North they say to the people, that “we” cannot
afford it just now. In the South they say that “we” have no money
just now. Whatever they say and do, all their black reforms are “to
save the welfare for the future”.
But
is it true that we cannot afford it, that there is no money?
In
all our countries the workers’ productivity has raised much more
than the wages. It is why the quota for profit in the EU area has
raised from 24 to 35 % since 1975. If the workers’ wages had been
at the same quota of the BNP today as in the beginning of the 80’s,
the states would have had billions more to secure welfare. So – by
the way – it is not an advantage to the society to keep the wages
low.
In
Europe about 10 million people owes 10, 2 billion US Dollars. But 87
% of all active finance capital is spending on speculation. They are
not taking part in creating any values.
So,
there is enough money. Let us tell it again and again, and that the
fact is, that the system doesn’t want to solve the socio-economic
problems in the societies.
People
ask: Where is all the money we have paid and pay in tax? Answer: They
are redistributed. From 2008 to 2010 our EU member countries gave
about 13 % of the total economical results in each country to the
so-called Bank – securing. The income tax for the riches has been
much reduced; the same goes for the company-tax.
The
EU-Commission has just been forced to redraw their proposal to
criminalize strikes and to report so-called social unrest. It was too
much directly fascist dictatorship. Dictatorship in the EU must be
carried out in a more discreet way. Like the Finance Pact, which also
Denmark and Sweden – although they are not a part of the EMU
countries – by freewill has acceded to join.
The
Danish population have two times voted no to join the European
Monetary Union. The Danes where very aware up to the referendums,
that this was not about the name for the coin, but the importance of
the possibility to have our own economic policy.
But
the new government in Denmark has rapidly incorporated all the wishes
and demands from the Finance pact. First the reform of our rights to
early/ invalid pension if you have or get a handicap gets chronically
ill, mentally disordered etc. Now you cannot get such pension before
you are 40 years. The young handicapped will be parked on the very
low social security benefit, and every five year they shall prove
that they are still not able to work. This was in the spring.
In
summer came the reform of income tax. It is the second reform in 2
years. Last time the bourgeoisie government gave huge tax reductions
to the most wealthy. This time the social democratic leaded
government gave tax reductions to all in job (as the employers’
wishes) and raised the amount from where you shall pay extra top-tax.
It is financed by stop for regulations of pensions, social security
benefit, unemployment benefit, and other more or less public
payments.(....)
The
most important for the majority – says the polls again and again –
is jobs and welfare! The SD’s are dismantling the so-called Nordic
welfare model paid through income tax. The SAMAK – North European
SD parties and leaders from National Trade Unions has decided to make
a common proposal, how to “adjust the Nordic Model into the new
challenges”. They are giving people false illusions. The ruling
finance capital has no use for welfare to the people. They accept a
minimal variant securing survival. It means that the struggle for a
social state, struggle for security and welfare will be an
anti-capitalistic struggle. This is important to get people and
labour movements to understand. This neo-liberalistic variant is sign
of still more private security for those who can afford it, more
private and supply assurances, forced labour for the benefit, forced
tests to – what they cynical call – Possibility for help to
self-help.
The
level of the minimal variant will be depended on what working class
can fight through. And here is the problem. In Denmark a new
examination of what is the biggest worry tells us, that it is fear of
unemployment, fear of being sacked. Frightened people are not the
best fighters. And we see today people working longer than the labour
agreements tells, that people goes to work although they are ill,
accept lower wages “to save the working places” etc.
Until
here the Danisch Communist Party gave no analyse but a description
and summed up some facts. Just the (very general) conclusion is
somehow “practical”:
“Capitalism
in our continent has a strong machinery of power: The EU, ruling all
of us. We are all subjugated the same dictates. Some countries are
more willing and fast to assimilate than others, and we still have
differences about the EU among our population. In Denmark – if it
was possible again to have a referendum about EU, it would be a huge
NO. But if we could have a referendum about capitalism, the result
would not be the same. In other EU countries it maybe will result in
the opposite. Many Danes and Swedes too, say that everything will be
better if we left the EU. If we came so far, the situation would be
another than the present. But it is strengths to us all, that we in
all our parties and countries mobilize to fight the EU and the EU
policy. We shall try to coordinate and inspire each other. In Denmark
we have called for demonstrations today October the 2nd where the
finance budget for next year will be introduced.
No
doubt that the system is having its death struggle. The problem is
that many people say that there is no alternative. It is why it is
fundamental important that our parties agitate and explain for people
socialism as the alternative.
About
the Contribution of the PRCF, France
A
certain French (Communist?) organisation had in fact only one thing
to say:”Only a revolutionary party, closely linked to the masses
and firmly relying on scientific socialism, can help the workers go
beyond their immediate situations, challenge bourgeois power and
build the future. Do we have in France this communist vanguard
recognized by the masses? Sorry, comrades, not yet.”:
“The
demoralising ideology of "lesser evil" is deeply rooted in
the masses; not only by bourgeois media and by opportunist leaders,
but also by their daily experience. Owning the means of production
and controlling the states, the ruling classes do put workers in
competition and this breeds reformist illusions. Ex: the "French"
government allows the bosses to destroy industrial jobs, it also
seriously weakens statutory employment in the public sector; but at
the same time, its plans to create thousands of cheap, flexible
"jobs" for the young unemployed may appear to them as an
answer to their anguish; a distorted, a wicked answer, but an answer.
That's why "with the masses" and "against the stream"
are intimately linked.
That's
why we suggest a few urgent claims to those who waver at the image
they have of a revolution:
-
No to privatisations, to factory reshufflings and
closures…renationalisations under workers' control.
-
Stop fuelling monopolies with public money; it's they who should
refund all the gifts they've received.
-
Banksters, we don't recognize your "debt". Not only we
don't have to pay for your crisis, but you are the crisis, get out of
our way!
-
France, out of their strangling treaties, out of their vicious EU!
-
France, out of Afghanistan, Libya, Mali, Syria… France, out of
their NATO!
If
these claims get into the masses, the day will come when they will
become: France, out of Capitalism!
Only
a revolutionary party, closely linked to the masses and firmly
relying on scientific socialism, can help the workers go beyond their
immediate situations, challenge bourgeois power and build the future.
Do
we have in France this communist vanguard recognized by the masses?
Sorry, comrades, not yet.
Communists
walk on both feet
-
1) Because we all act in quite different conditions and also because
we trust our own world outlook, we are unreservedly open to exchanges
with all forces which seek a more humane society, wherever they come
from.
-
2) Because the Marxist-Leninist stance has led to historical steps
forward and because its oblivion and betrayal has contributed to
historical setbacks, we shall never discard or dilute it; in order to
advance, renegades and opportunists who hinder revolutionary
perspectives and pollute our cause must be ideologically beaten.
A
new chapter
Our
international communist movement has suffered serious drawbacks in
the past; now, it has started to reorganize itself; though we are not
at the end of the road, this fact should be better known.
In
each country, workers are fighting back; in spite of many obstacles,
their class struggle is stepping up; if we communists do what is
required from us, they may open a new chapter in history, the name of
which is socialism and communism.
1
Besides the principled standpoint that the mode of production is the
basis of political superstructures, facts confirm that this so
vaunted "redistribution" is a myth. Ex: French tax inputs
structure: taxes on enterprises: 17%, taxes on incomes: 20% VAT (paid
"equally!" by every citizen, rich of poor)…51%. These
figures don't include: 1) state subventions to enterprises (50
billions a year). 2) General services (education & health of the
labour force, transports & equipment) provided to the bosses at
society's expense.
-
Financial placements are practically tax-free and monopolies also
have many tax evasion devices; but again, the key is not in the tax
system but in the appropriation of surplus value by the owners of the
means of production.
2
1 child dies every 4 seconds in countries often rich with material &
human resources, but which are plundered by imperialism.
About
the Contribution of the Communist Party of Norway
Just
some general declarations about intentions......and a dogmatic view
on “actual capitalism” as if there exist a national capitalism,
and so a nation-state which is “the” capitalist state to
overthrow:
“The
only way out of the capitalist crises for the working class and the
people of Norway is the same as in any other capitalist nation, by
rupture and not by assimilation. The struggle must be against the
monopolies and their power. The opposition must be organized on the
grassroots level of the trade union movement, building and developing
the people`s alliance between the working class and the social forces
with objective interest in fighting the monopolies and capital, (...)
towards the overthrow of the power of the monopolies. The most
important fight for the trade union grassroots in Norway is to win
the fight for dissociation of Norway from the EEA association to the
EU. This will be a decisive step on the road to overthrow the power
of the monopolies in Norway. The strength of the CPN in the labour
movement of Norway is far behind.”
Read
more:
“Communist
Party of Norway acknowledge the character of the crises; capital over
–accumulation, based on capitals exploitation of labour power.
Bourgeoisie management policies have new difficulties managing a way
out from the crisis. They choose between both restrictive and
expansive bourgeoisie management. Selection between those is done
based on the interest of the bourgeoisie, it is not a dispute in
favor or against the peoples interests, it is not a dispute between a
conservative and progressive-left political line as claimed by the
European Left Party.(...)
The
barbaric measures for the workers and people in Greece, Spain, Italy
etc. is decided by the new governments in cooperation with the
Troika. Their goal is to reduce the price of labour power to an
extreme low level, to improve monopoly capital profits. The fight
against the working class and the people is coordinated in the EU in
cooperation with IMF and ECB.
Norway
is in a special position with no state debts. In a small nation of 5
million inhabitants the state owns a huge investment fund of 450
milliard Euros. Because the Norwegian people twice have voted no to
be a member of the EEC and the EU, our public sector is still
relatively large.
The
oil production of Norway in the North Sea still gives stable
deliveries from the Norwegian industry to the oil production sector.
Despite
our sound economic position, both bourgeoisie and social democratic
governments follow the EU-directives attacking the trade union
tariffs and the democratic rights of the workers and the people. And
the Norwegian employers are getting more aggressive in support of the
economic policies of EU. The Social democratic Party initiated
privatization of big state owned companies of telecommunications,
post, oil production etc.
They
even initiated and fulfilled a complete change in the state pension
system, which resulted in huge losses for the future pensions of the
younger generations, which resulted in privatization of the pensions
for those who can afford it, and poverty for those who can`t. The
community and state owned hospitals have been reorganized into state
owned companies, and are budgeted as private companies under the
regime of “New Public Management”. The whole sector is under
budgeted, and goes with deficits. This is preparation for
privatization of the hospital sector, initiated by the Social
democratic Party.(...)
The
only way out of the capitalist crises for the working class and the
people of Norway is the same as in any other capitalist nation, by
rupture and not by assimilation. The struggle must be against the
monopolies and their power. The opposition must be organized on the
grassroots level of the trade union movement, building and developing
the people`s alliance between the working class and the social forces
with objective interest in fighting the monopolies and capital, with
stronger participation of women and young people. The direction must
be towards the overthrow of the power of the monopolies.
The
most important fight for the trade union grassroots in Norway is to
win the fight for dissociation of Norway from the EEA association to
the EU. This will be a decisive step on the road to overthrow the
power of the monopolies in Norway. The strength of the CPN in the
labour movement of Norway is far behind. We have a long way to go,
but it is the only way. At the same time we are building the
anti-imperialist, anti-NATO “Norway For Peace”(NFF).
About
the Contribution of Communists People's Left – Communist Party,
Italy
I
think that the Italian Communist Party comes very close by giving
the questions of KKE a real answer ....but - to my opinion –
suffers of a same opportunism as the KKE, which danger it is that it
makes one blind to the development of real revisionism. This because
the conscious revisionists based there “analyses” on the already
existing opportunist conceptions...:
“The
European Union is a kind of "clearing chamber" of the
internal contradictions of European imperialism, where national
bourgeoisies of Europe try to solve those disputes among themselves
that in the past regularly led to armed conflicts, on one side, and
plan the exploitation and the oppression of the peoples, on the other
side. In other words, it is like a negotiation table on the
repartition of wealth.
At
the same time, the EU is the fig leaf used by national bourgeoisies,
that bear the main responsibility for the robbing of their own
peoples, to mask or legitimate their policy against the people, as if
somebody else imposed it from above for some allegedly objective
reasons.
The
working class and the working people of Greece, Italy, Spain and
Portugal first are the victims of their own national bourgeoisie, and
then, at the same time, of the bourgeoisie of other more powerful
European countries.
The
bourgeoisie of Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal are the first
culprits of the crisis situation in their countries and are
responsible for the mugging of their own peoples on the same level
with the bourgeoisie of the European powers.!
Approaching
the issue of the EU institutions as a matter of national sovereignty,
as the opportunists do, is a big and serious mistake, because it
removes any responsibility from the national bourgeoisie. This issue
has to be correctly considered from the point of view of the class
struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, on one side,
and the struggle for the repartition of wealth and dominance within
the imperialist bourgeoisie, on the other side.
A rather misty and vague, not-sharp reasoning not resulting in clear
concrete strategical conclusions...
A
not correct point of view on “capitalist state” (in global
capitalism in the stage of imperialism) leads to incorrect views on
the necessary steps to revolution, although one can not say that it
lacks the Italian CP of revolutionary ambition and a firm position to
the struggle against revisionism.(but a capitulation to opportunism
lead to blindness to revisionism)
“To
the logic of the "restoration of sovereignty" Communists
should oppose the logic of proletarian internationalism and class
solidarity, the logic of the struggle to overthrow the dominance of
the bourgeoisie of any nationality and in any country.
From
a coherent communist point of view no wink to the class enemy and its
institutes is acceptable in terms of even a temporary freezing of the
class conflict in the name of "saving the country from the
crisis" which the working class is not responsible for. This way
it would not the country to be saved, but only the rule of capital.
On the opposite, the bourgeoisie should be pursued and nailed to its
responsibility by a relentless struggle to 360 degrees, aimed at
overthrowing its dominance and establishing the workers' and people's
power.
This
goal definitely requires a break with the international institutions
of the imperialist bourgeoisie. Communists
should firmly fight for their countries to leave the EU, NATO and the
illegitimate Hague International Tribunal, aiming at their final
dismantling, along with other tools of the imperialist oppression,
the IMF and the WTO. UN have long ago turned into a body of
ratification of the imperialist military aggressions masked as
humanitarian interventions and also need an urgent revision of its
representational and operational criteria and decision-making
mechanisms.
I
think that the European working class has to fight for the
destruction of the (imperialist) bourgeois dictatorship, the
capitalist (imperialist) state European Union and has to install the
European workersstate (the proletarean dictatorship) and of course
dismantle all “instruments and tools (NATO, Hague International Tribunal,...), and all colonialist production-relations as ....support to Israel.”
“We
must reject the opportunistic position of European Left Party and
firmly fight against it. The European Left Party was founded with the
purpose to divide the communist movement in Europe and neutralize it,
attracting its least ideologically firm part to positions of actual
conciliation with the European Union. ELP is nothing but the left
crutch of the European capitalism.
The
European Union is the home of industrial and financial capital, built
to ensure its own dominance and at its home it will not allow anyone
to carry out any reform to the benefit of the people! We have to
explain this simple truth to the working people for them to
understand that the European Left
Party is deceiving them by the illusion these European capitalist
institutes would be reformable and within them a softening of their
anti-people policy would be possible. Even a partial support of this
lie is a help for capitalism! Therefore, we would like to
address those Communist parties that participate in the ELP as
"observers": there is nothing to observe! The ELP is a fig
leaf of capitalism! Do not help the allies of the class enemy, do not
give them the dignity of a partner, separate from them!
It
is correct to warn for reformism but based on a correct analysis of
this reformism (of the ELP)
“Regard
to bourgeois national institutes, our position is equally clear and
coherent: we do not believe in parliamentarism, or in the possibility
of "peaceful" ways to socialism through reforms. Such
illusions, peculiar to the 2nd International reformism and modern
opportunism as well, are based on the false premise capitalism would
be improvable and changeable from the inside to the extent it will
turn into its opposite, into socialism. Our firm objection to this
conception comes from our scientific Marxist-Leninist worldview and
the study of the history and experience of the workers movement.
Any
social-economic formation is historically determined. It arises,
develops, decays and dies, carrying in its womb the embryo of the new
formation that will replace it. History shows that its birth is not
automatic or painless. The birth of a new formation is always
traumatic. Old production relations and the correspondent legal and
political superstructure, that have become an obstacle to the further
development of the productive forces, are overthrown by the new
emerging class which paves the way for new production relations and
imposes by the use of strength the correspondent new superstructure.
Of course, the old ruling class does not give its power up, but tries
to resist.
Therefore,
the change of ruling class requires the use of strength. (...)
We
do not reject the parliamentary struggle, but according to Lenin we
understand the parliament and the other bourgeois elected bodies only
as a tribune that gives more opportunities to promote and spread the
Party's program among the masses, and not as the main weapon in the
struggle for social transformation. Where we can, we must and we want
to offer communist electoral rolls, making every effort to make
workers acquainted with our program and vote for our candidates.
We
strongly condemn the fraudulent majoritarian electoral laws, the
bipolar system, any percentage threshold, invented by the ruling
class to deprive the proletariat of even the formal rights of the
bourgeois democracy. Our position is to re-establish the pure
proportionality electoral system on the principle "one head, one
vote".
Our
understanding of elections excludes any participation in “democratic”
or left-centrist coalitions. Once more we would like to repeat that
we are not compatible with any bourgeois, left-centrist or
right-centrist, coalition as they both represent the political
expression of capitalist interests.
Our
participation in the elections and our presence, if our candidates
would be voted, in the elected bodies of any level, but non in the
government or the other business committees of the bourgeoisie, can
take place only to the extent if they really help to build the Party
and promote our ideological and political positions, as the access to
a tribune.
We
have no illusions about bourgeois institutions. We are not interested
in the alchemy of coalitions with bourgeois parties, do not aim at
algebraic electoral alliances, whose numbers reflect only the
addition of political weakness.
The
only alliance we want to develop is the social alliance of the
people's strata, even of certain petty-bourgeoisie elements,
proletarized by the monopolistic capital and the crisis, with the
working class with the purpose to create around it a working social
block, opposite to the bourgeois one, able to become the driving
force of the socialist revolution in Italy.
The
spine of the block, in our opinion, should be the United Work Front,
a mass organization that could regroup, on the basis of a class
platform, the largest number of workers, regardless of their party or
trade union membership, able to develop mass struggles and to act as
a transfer belt between the workers block and the Party, fulfilling
at the same time the function of human reserve of the Party.
Only
mass struggles, not only in the halls of parliaments, but in squares
and streets, in all work places, in schools, universities and other
places of culture and art production, are able to make a
revolutionary situation emerge.
We
must return to the working class, disoriented and betrayed by the
opportunists, its class consciousness and its central place in
society. We must help the working class to get back even its human
dignity. Today, the working class attracts one minute of attention
only if someone of the workers fired out slashes his wrists during a
live broadcast or sets himself on fire in the street. We do not need
such demonstrations of desperation and defeat, that are only able to
arouse a pity's tear of some bourgeois ladies. We do not need
compassion, we need a militant mood to fight, to really make ― as
Marx said, - “the ruling class shake at the thought of the
proletarian revolution”.
We
are working to develop class alliances and people's mobilization,
connecting the struggle for the working class' immediate interests
and daily needs with the strategic goal of overthrowing capitalism
and establishing socialism.
The
right to a steady and safe employment, to a decent salary and
pension, to health, to housing, to education and culture, to personal
and collective safety are fundamental rights of the human beings that
capitalism restricts or cancels through the criminal policy of the EU
and its institutes. The struggle for these rights today means
fighting against the European Union with the strong conviction that
Europe of peoples, solidarity and co-operation can only rise from the
ashes of Europe of monopolies and banks.
Withdrawal
from the EU and the euro currency system, one-sided cancellation of
the debt, expropriation of monopolies and banks, workers' power,
centralized planning of the economy under the control of the people.
These are the goals our Party is calling on the working class to
fight for, as the only way to overcome the crisis and permanently
achieve its fundamental rights.
The
development of the working class' social alliances and mass
struggles, and the emerging of favorable conditions for the
revolutionary socialist transformation of society are biunivocally
linked to the existence of a strong Communist Party, able to
successfully direct the class struggle and lead the working class to
the fulfillment of its historical role. On one side this is the
result of the effective political work of the Party, on the other
side this is a condition for the further strengthening of the Party.
We cannot wait for a perfectly organized on paper party before
starting to work in reality. We are not allowed by times and the
understanding that a communist party ceasing to fight will not
strengthen, but soon turn into something else.
The
party and its cadres politically and organizationally grow and become
stronger with the increase of the struggle, just as the struggle
grows and becomes more effective with the strengthening of the Party.
This
also makes our Party different from those in Italy are talking of
reconstructing the communist party and there they stop. We are not
only discussing about, we are reconstructing the Communist Party in
deeds and not in words, despite the enormous difficulties of this
undertaking! We are reconstructing the Party by calling on the
workers and the people to rally for clear and concrete goals. We are
reconstructing the Party by the efforts and sacrifice of our
comrades, walking in the forefront of social and trade union
struggle. We are reconstructing the Party by the consistency and
sincerity of those, who think what they say, say what they think and
do what they say.
These
considerations lead us to tell of the situation of the communist
movement in Italy.
The
leaders of the largest communist party of West Europe, the Italian
Communist Party, bear very heavy responsibility for the consolidation
of reformism, revisionism and opportunism, deviations that led to its
self-disbanding and currently still exist inside the International
Communist Movement. We admit it with sincere regret and self-critical
spirit. We are talking of a long-term degenerative process of the
ICP, started since 1944, that we still have to explore deeper.
The
Party of Communist Refoundation and the Party of Italian Communists,
established after the ICP self-disbanding, have clearly failed in the
attempt to recreate the communist party in Italy.
Not
guided by the theory and the ideology of Marxism-Leninism, which is
not mentioned neither in their program (we doubt they have one,
because on their sites there is even no trace of it), nor in their
Statute, both parties show an almost exclusive parliamentary calling
and activate only when elections.
The
Party of Communist Refoundation, that openly rejected the principle
of democratic centralism, definitely is not a Leninist-type party.
Characterized by its extreme ideological eclecticism, in its ranks a
little of everything can be found: from Buddhists and Gandhians, to
generic pacifists, to anti-globalists and Trotzkysts. Certainly,
among its members, there are honest and sincere comrades, but they
have no possibility, from a communist position, to influence the
policy of their leaders. The Party of Communist Refoundation has
already publicly declared to be ready to run for elections again
without the symbol of red flag with hammer and sickle as it did in
2008 inside the coalition “The Rainbow”.
The
Party of Italian Communists too can hardly be considered as a
Leninist-type party, despite its formal acceptance of the principle
of democratic centralism. Founded in 1998 after a split from the
Party of Communist Refoundation, the Party of Italian Communists has
always distinguished itself 4 for its “parliamentary fever” and
the lack of principles of its political behavior. It is the typical
example of opportunism that, unlike revisionism, does not deny the
ideological principles, but just does not apply them, doing the
opposite of what declared or written.
In
both parties a big gap can be observed between members and leaders,
that often respond only to themselves and act for purely personal
advantage. Furthermore, the percentage of militants on members is
very low.
Both
parties have participated in the second left-centrist government
headed by prime-minister Prodi and, in 2006, have approved the
funding of military missions for imperialist aggressions and some of
the worst anti-people steps of the last years. Their complicity with
bourgeois governments, the concentration of their activity only in
the parliament and other institutions, their activation only on the
occasion of elections, their closure in internal debates, often
regarding only the redivision of seats and positions, have led both
parties to the loss of any parliamentary representative. The finish
was the inglorious electoral collapse of the "Rainbow", a
heterogeneous alliance with undefined lefts and greens. As a paradox,
they got the opposite of what they were looking for, punished by
deceived and disgusted voters.
Our
position on bourgeois parliamentarism, elections and alliances makes
our Party very different, on a strategic point of view, from the
Party of Communist Refoundation, the Party of Italian Communists and
their union, the Left Federation, the unborn child summing up the
weaknesses of these two parties.
A
serious analysis demonstrates the left-centrist block is the force in
Italy that more stubbornly and persistently represents and protects
the interests of the European financial and industrial monopolistic
capital, the force that has promoted this EU, so brutally striking at
the working people. A serious analysis demonstrates the Democratic
Party and its left-centrist allies today are the most fanatic
supporters of the government, headed by the ECB and European
Commission's agent, the prime-minister Monti, the most anti-people
oriented government in the history of the Italian Republic, that is
destroying our country's real economy, sentencing our people to
poverty and carrying off even their dignity. A serious analysis
demonstrates that today's social massacre is the result of the
breaches, opened by the left-centrist reforms and the
collaborationist retreat of the Italian General Labor Confederation,
the largest trade union under the hegemony of the Democratic Party.
Finally, a serious analysis demonstrates that the ideological
substratum for the cancellation of the workers' rights by the
minister-headhunter Fornero is inspired by the anti-workers
cerebrations of the labor legal experts of the Democratic Party.
After
such a serious analysis, a party that wants to be called communist
should conclude that no alliance is possible with the Democratic
Party and the other left-centrist social butchers. The Party of
Communist Refoundation and the Party of Italian Communists came to
the opposite conclusion: as they have many time stated, the alliance
with the Democratic Party and the left-centrist block is strategic!
For
similar reasons, communists should admit no alliances with bourgeois
pseudo-left parties, such as “Italy of Worth” or “Left for
Ecology and Freedom”, that are in coalition with the Democratic
Party at the local level, but are looking for any kind of profitable
alliance at the national level.
The
rejection of the principles of Marxism-Leninism and the loss of
ideological and cultural autonomy, the unconditional acceptance of
parliamentarism and bourgeois legality, the alteration in the class
composition have led the PCR and the PIC to an evident opportunistic
deviation. Currently, they are ready to make any concession in order
to get in change a well-paid seat in bourgeois institutions or
directors board.
The
proof is their behavior after supporting the successful referendum
against the privatization of water and other public goods. In the
elections of local authorities in May 2012, the PCR and the PIC,
united in the Left Federation, in 23 major cities out of 26 took part
in left-centrist coalitions with the Democratic Party. For the
rendered service, they have been given the possibility to accommodate
their representatives, paid with taxpayers' money, in the boards of
different agencies, charged of starting the very privatization,
despite the referendum's opposite results! The famous thirty shekels
of opportunism!
Some
parties, actively using their right of veto, have founded, or are
participating in, outer organizations, such as the ELP, that are
often in contrast with the International Communist Movement. A slow,
work seems to be going on for draining and paralyzing the ICM. A part
of it is already actively acting outside in co-ordination with
circles, where opportunistic and revisionist parties are grouping in
an organized way. The Italian Left Federation, for instance, in
Europe maintains relations primarily with non-communist
organizations, such as United Lefts in Spain, Die Linke in Germany,
Syriza in Greece, etc.
We
think we all together have to approach this problem very seriously
and with the necessary strictness, strengthening the ideological
cohesion of the ICM on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and developing a
closer co-ordination among brotherly parties to successfully
withstand the onslaught of capital and resume the proletarian
counteroffensive worldwide, for Socialism, for Communism!
Leaving,
-for my part – this without further analysis, although I could make
some critical remarks, I think I can say that more or less I would
make the same remarks and critics as I made to the KKE. But in the
light of the current discussion about the development of a unified
revolutionary line (“assimilation or rupture”) these remarks and
critics are -on this moment – secondary. And on this point the
People's Left Communist Party takes a firm position!
About
the Contribution of the Unified Communist Party of Georgia
The
Unified Communist Party of Georgia is just complaining:
“There
are held the regular parliamentary elections in Georgia today. The
Unified Communist Party couldn't take part in elections owing to its
actual illegal status. The party symbolics is forbidden, and the
communism is officially equated to fascism. But we are sure that as a
result of elections there will occur such changes in the country that
we will have an opportunity to work more freely.
Nine
years ago the present powers of Georgia came to government with
social slogans. The victory over corruption and restoration of social
justice were the main slogans of party that ruled until today. But as
a result of the promised reforms, Georgia received the opposite – a
marginal aggravation of social problems, sharp increase in the
unemployment, obvious stratification of society into very rich and
very poor, the improved and strengthened repressive apparatus and
folding of the signs of bourgeois democracy.
The
western capitalism gives out Georgia for successful neoliberal
experiment, deems the country as an example for imitation, having
proclaimed it "the Democracy Beacon." But what actually
occurred against the background of the proclaimed social slogans?
Actually
there were realized the so called “neoliberal reforms.”
«Neoliberal
reforms» that were carried out in an uncompromising and a
specially aggressive way in Georgia, came to the logic end.
Privatization of all spheres of economy and social infrastructure is
complete. All plants and factories, which functioned at the very
least, have found themselves in private hands. All power supply
systems, the hydroelectric power stations, almost all city services
including systems of electricity transmissions, natural gas and water
supply, are privatized. Natural resources, the woods, seaports are
privatized.
The
process of total privatization implied simultaneous concentration and
capital centralization in hands of several leading figures of the
ruling clan. All main flows of the income are monopolized. All the
import and export is monopolized. They became especially important,
effective sources of fast enrichment of a local oligarchical clan.
Enrichment by means of a monopoly of the right on the appointment of
the prices for the imported goods is accompanied by elimination of
internal production, the whole fields of industries and rural
agriculture. Besides, it occurs in full accordance with the desires
of International Monetary Fund.
Ultra-quick
and fantastic enrichment of scanty minority is accompanied with a
sharp fall-down of the standards of living for the vast majority.
Neoliberal
reform destroyed all social guarantees of workers. Objects of
healthcare found themselves in private hands. Education of a good
quality can be received only for the large sums of money and only in
private educational institutions. The labor legislation in reference
to labor forces is one of the most discriminative systems all over
the world.
In
Georgia today there maintain their proper functioning only the
establishments of health care, education, power supply,
establishments of the central and local management, and the banking
system. Banks don't credit the real production sphere. Being engaged
in usury, they became the powerful lever of suffocation of so-called
"small business" and the accelerator of aforementioned
centralization and monopolization. Well-paid army and police
faultlessly protect the established internal order. That is, there
only function those systems which are absolutely necessary for the
life support of any society. The state keeps only the function of
service of the emerged private-capitalist neoliberal system is left
only.
At
the same time, unlike all or nearly all post-socialist states, at the
lower level the bribery is destroyed, bureaucratic barriers are
maximally cleaned when obtaining different references and documents.
Gangsterism and theft, flourishing in the beginning of the 90-ies of
the last century, are conquered. But this aspect of restoration of
capitalism is presented as a national achievement, though the
establishment of order in this area was also caused by the needs of
the capital as a whole. The capital needs minimization of problems at
a lower level without a damage of principal interests of the ruling
elite.
In
a word, there is created some kind of a classical system of
neoliberal capitalism in Georgia - dictatorship of neoliberalism and
paradise for all oligarchical elite.
But
any dictatorship needs a certain order, means and methods of
self-preservation.
Against
accruing social contradictions excessive expansion of the rights of
the Georgian police doesn't cause surprises. Police function of
political prosecution is especially strong.
In
prisons there are created intolerable conditions when it is possible
to beat with impunity to death, to suppress morally, to eliminate
physically or to destroy by an illness any opponent objectionable the
present powers who has found himself/herself in prison. Even the
European Parliament, traditionally loyal to the authorities of
Georgia notes an abnormal situation in prisons of Georgia, urging to
correct a situation. It is characteristic that in 9 years of
neoliberal dictatorship the number of prisoners from 6 000 people in
2003 grew to 25 thousand people in 2012, that is, four times! The
judicial system passed to frankly cynical, impudent and unprecedented
practice of imprisonment of the persons objectionable for the
authorities. Today in Georgia nobody is insured from such punishment.
Number of verdicts of not guilty in Georgia is record-breakingly low:
0.084 (an average value across Europe amounting to 0.2, that is 20
%).
One
political party rules the country calling itself United National
Movement. It supervises exclusively all the spheres of public life.
Anticommunism, antisovietism, the anti-Russian hysteria and social
demagogy are raised to the rank of the state ideology. The ruling
powers conduct the interests of the most reactionary representatives
of the international capital – the American imperialism. There are
evident all principal signs of fascism. In Georgia there is created
approximately the same system of capitalist dictatorship, as it was
created in Chile by Pinochet.
But
the neoliberal capitalist system starts to devour itself. The policy
of total privatization of economy and social system accompanied by
the absolutely destructive foreign politics drove the country to full
economic crash.
The
population manages to make ends meet only at the expense of emigrants
working abroad. The unemployment rate makes 67 % (according to
official figures, 15 %).
The
living wage (minimum of subsistence per month) in 2012, according to
official figures, makes approximately: for an able-bodied man, 90 US
dollars; for the families consisting of 4 members, 165 US dollars;
The
average salary of practitioner doctors makes about 200, and that of
the teachers, 170 US dollars. In general, by the most optimistic
calculations, the salary in Georgia is received by 33-35 % of the
active population.
The
minimal pension makes 50 US dollars; in the country there are 826.8
thousand pensioners; to each pensioner there correspond 0.75 employed
people, whereas the optimum value for this ratio would be 3.
According
to Social Service Agency of Georgia, which is an official
establishment, in the united database of poor families (needing the
aid) there are registered 1 623 233 persons (514,102 families). It is
half of the population actually residing in Georgia, according to our
data; and if we rely upon the official data regarding the number of
population in Georgia, then, at least, it will make more than one
third of the resident population;
It
is evident the deep social crisis that pours out into the political
crisis at any favorable possibilities.
Need
of a turn to the left even if solely within private-capitalist system
became so obvious that bourgeois parties of frankly right sense start
to shout about it. Without such turn the system will fail under its
own weight as exhausted and paralyzed to death. Therefore, folding of
neoliberal madness became an urgent need for the dominating clans,
too.
There
has occurred a split in ruling oligarchical elite. There was created
the powerful bourgeois opposition, ready to soften policy of
neoliberalism and to pursue more moderate foreign policy.
As
well as 9 years ago, social slogans are again popular among the
bourgeois parties, but regarding the plan of implementation of these
slogans again we encounter empty statements of sufficiency of the
reforms without cardinal changes in the property relations. The
left-wing parties of reformist sense also keep to the purely outward
capitalist reforms.
As
to Unified Communist Party of Georgia, we are compelled to work
practically in underground conditions, without access to Mass media,
in the conditions of persecutions and prosecutions. Position of the
party was aggravated every year since 2003. This is connected with
accruing crisis of the present system which more and more
necessitates repressive methods of self-affirmation. Yet, neoliberal
capitalism devours itself right in our sight and we are sure that
political changes, which shall facilitate our fight for the socialist
future of Georgia, are at hand.
About
the Contribution of the German Communist Party
The
DKP is just describing and is giving very general statements: “(I)t
is mainly the trade unions and the workers movement as whole that can
play a decisive role. It is necessary that it cooperates and acts
together with other social movements. This is also the reason why the
fights of the working class and the activities of the movements must
come together on an international level and build up an international
network. (....)the working class is the decisive force in these
struggles. Anti-capitalist views and critical attitudes towards
capitalism are growing.(...) The task of the German Communist Party
....is, ...to .... help strengthening resistance, to contribute to
the counterforces in the country getting together and to the aim of
establishing broad alliances so that their activities eventually lead
to a change towards social and democratic progress....(and)... to
work out political strategies for the development of resistance, for
the enforcement of progressive reforms, for the support of the
necessary fights as well as the way to fundamental social change
towards Socialism and to put our results forward in the ongoing
dabate.”
Just
read:
“...The
evaluation of the crisis made by the DKP involves the notion that the
present crisis most probably is a transitional or great crisis. There
are first signs of fundamental changes ahead – in the forms of
production and of exercising power, in the relationship between
capital and labour, in the international balance of powers. In the
past few years, the “crisis management” of great capital and its
political representatives has lead to a deepening of the financial,
economic, social and ecological crises and to a continued cutback of
democracy. In the main countries of capital as well, working and
living conditions have changed crucially. Deeper social
contradictions have emerged, these contradictions cannot be solved
within the framework of the capitalist system. In cooperation with
the ECB and the IMF, the European Union has clearly enforced the
effects of the crisis by implementing financial umbrellas for banks,
by persuing rigid austerity and oppressive debt politics, and by
cutting back the rights of the workforce.
EU
borders are being ‘secured’ against war, poverty and climate
refugees. Increasingly aggressive war politics are put in place
internally as well as externally. Europe is a whole has been
subjected to the interests of profits and power of transnational
capital without the contradicting interests of the transnational and
national bourgeoisie being lifted. European integration also remains
a field of class struggle in particular. In EU Europe, the fiscal
package, however, is meant to now finally accelerate and cement
reactionary neoliberal politics of deregulation, privatization, and
of the cutback of basic rights. Already now, national parliaments
have largely been deprived of their power and national sovereignty is
being restricted.
Populist
far-right parties as well as openly fascist forces can keep winning
agreement in EU Europe and in Germany as well.(...)
In
this process, we, the German Communist Party DKP think, that it is
mainly the trade unions and the workers movement as whole that can
play a decisive role. It is necessary that it cooperates and acts
together with other social movements. This is also the reason why the
fights of the working class and the activities of the movements must
come together on an international level and build up an international
network.
From
an objective point of view, time for the radical disempowerment of
the profit sharks, of national and international banks and groups has
come
But
what are the experiences and the lessons we have learned in the past
few years and months?
Nearly
all over Europe, protests and resistance are growing, people are
taking to the streets against class politics of the rulers.
Objectively, the working class is the decisive force in these
struggles. Anti-capitalist views and critical attitudes towards
capitalism are growing.
This,
however, is not yet enough to enforce change. Portugal, Spain,
France, Greece, they all show how in such a situation left-wingers
are becoming the centre of resistance and that even votes can be won
over in elections.
It
is all about acting together and at the same time keeping up one’s
own political identity and convictions.(...)
The
task of the German Communist Party DKP in today’s struggles is,
above all, to actively help strengthening resistance, to contribute
to the counterforces in the country getting together and to the aim
of establishing broad alliances so that their activities eventually
lead to a change towards social and democratic progress.
As
a revolutionary workers party founding its activities on the theories
of Marx ,Engels and Lenin, Communists bear a special responsibility.
They must bring the expertise of scientific Socialism into the class
struggles and democratic movements. Our task is to work out political
strategies fort he development of resistance, for the enforcement of
progressive reforms, for the support of the necessary fights as well
as the way to fundamental social change towards Socialism and to put
our results forward in the ongoing dabate. The German Communist Party
DKP points to the fact that there is no solution to today’s
economic, social and political contradictions in the framework of the
present system.
Looking
at the ongoing internationalization of the economy and the
integration processes within the framework of the EU, building up
another, a socialist order of society can, however, only be carried
out within the framework of a process of changes in the same
direction involving the main countries of the European Union and the
resulting changes of the international balance of powers.
Communists
must strengthen their cooperation on an international level -
especially in the face of the capitalist crisis, the cooperation of
Communist workers and left parties has become an even more urgent
task in order to credibly challenge capitalism by offering a
Socialist alternative.(...)
In
the Federal Republic of Germany, events supporting solidarity with
the ones fighting in Spain, Portugal and Greece are being organised.
The German Communist Party DKP, as well, is planning a solidarity
event mainly involving workers from Greek companies. At the moment,
we are also discussing the question if it makes sense and how it is
possible to organize an international discussion meeting on a
European level. We will send you information on the progress of this
project as soon as possible.
About
the Contribution of the Hungarian Communist and Workers' Party
The
Hungarian Communist and Workers' Party is taking a consequent
communist position, and whatever opinion one can have on some
concrete points of analysis or strategy, this overall position should
be an example to those parties which are only “describing”,
“complaining”, “following the events”, or (as it is the case
of for example the WPB), objectively, are preaching reformism and so
promoting the continuation of capitalism (imperialism):
“There
is no revolutionary situation in Hungary but the question of
revolution objectively rises on the agenda. It is clear that
capitalist forces are unable to solve the crisis and it will continue
for years. If the European affairs worsen, the situation in Hungary
could change dramatically. We see it as our task to prepare the party
and the working masses for this course of events.(...) It does not
mean that there is a revolutionary situation in Europe today. But it
means that our duty is to demonstrate to the working people that only
socialism can solve their problems. It means that we should fight
against ideologies and policies telling the people that they need
nothing more than partial reforms, modernisation, a social Europe
etc. It means that we should teach our parties to fight on the
streets and to prepare them for radical changes. It means that we
should seek allies among workers and other working groups of the
society suffering from capitalism.”
Or
read more:
“On
behalf of the Hungarian Communist Workers’ Party I would like to
thank the Communist Party of Greece for initiating and organising our
meeting today.
We
are grateful for the evaluation given by comrade Papariga about the
events in Greece. We confirm our solidarity with Greek communists.
The KKE has fresh combat experience of class struggle. It is
important for our fight. We have included the study of the recent
experience of the Greek communists into the agenda of Political
Academy of the HCWP.(...)
There
is no revolutionary situation in Hungary but the question of
revolution objectively rises on the agenda.
It
is clear that capitalist forces are unable to solve the crisis and it
will continue for years. If the European affairs worsen, the
situation in Hungary could change dramatically.
We
see it as our task to prepare the party and the working masses for
this course of events.
We
can say on the basis of concrete facts that the crisis of European
and Hungarian capitalism has changed the conduct of the working
people and their attitude towards our party.
● The
number of people hurt, annoyed by capitalism, is rising. High
inflation, high unemployment, the bank credits which people cannot
pay are hanging over working masses like a sword of Damocles. Nobody
knows what will happen tomorrow.
● More
and more people realise that there are no definite individual
solutions. You can go to work to Austria, Germany, Great Britain,
Scandinavia but it is not the real solution.
● People
begin to understand that they should do something to change their
life. Unfortunately, in this respect we are still behind Greece,
Spain, and Portugal..
● As
far as more and more people lose confidence in the parliamentary
parties the communist alternative is becoming for many of them a
possible alternative. No doubt it is one of the alternatives, but not
the single one yet.
● Civic
organisations, which some time ago used to share the most
anti-communist positions, want to cooperate with us. I am speaking
about civic organisations representing people who lost their flats or
their car because they are not able to repay their loans to the
banks, or organisations fighting against poverty or against the new
electoral law limitation the citizens’ right to vote.
● The
moral authority of communists, the public respect to us, communists
has been raising. There is not an earthquake movement towards us yet
but if things are going to be worse - and they are going to be - ,
our influence can rise rapidly.
The
actual conservative government of Mr. Orban swore to save Hungary
from the Greek disease. They are full of fear. If the EU cannot solve
the crisis, it will immediately lead to worsening of the situation in
Hungary. The Greek disease will come inevitably.
The
conservative government tries to prevent it by new counterattacks.
They buy a part of the workers. The railway transit of goods was
privatised and the government gave 5% of the income to the railway
workers. Now the government promised to sell some of the shares of
the state owned companies to the employees themselves.
The
government uses anti-communism, nationalism and Catholicism to
frighten people and to change the moral basis of the society. Now
they want to change electoral law with the aim to prevent working
people to participate in the elections.
What
are we doing in this situation?
● First,
we explain people that the capitalist system is responsible for their
problems, and the system should be changed.
● Second,
we go on the streets to hold as much as possible meetings to talk to
the people.
● Third,
we pay serious attention to the political education of our leading
cadres.
● Fourth,
we study the experience of other communist parties.
● Fifth,
we declared to build up an alliance of workers’ and all working
people suffering from capitalism. We are far from being satisfied but
we have started this work.(...)
We
think that our evaluation of the crisis accepted more than a year ago
is correct also today. We said: „The historical limits of
capitalism are being demonstrated objectively, as it cannot solve the
basic problems of the peoples.” It is correct.
It
does not mean that there is a revolutionary situation in Europe
today. But it means that our duty is to demonstrate to the working
people that only socialism can solve their problems. It means that we
should fight against ideologies and policies telling the people that
they need nothing more than partial reforms, modernisation, a social
Europe etc. It means that we should teach our parties to fight on the
streets and to prepare them for radical changes. It means that we
should seek allies among workers and other working groups of the
society suffering from capitalism.
We
agree that capitalism threatens peace. We condemn the aggression
against Syria and we support the actual system headed by president
Assad. We must not repeat always the same mistakes. We supported
Yugoslavia, but we did not support Milosevic. The imperialists have
problems not with Syria, but with the anti-imperialist Syria.
The
threat of war in Europe is becoming a reality. No matter whether
there will be a new European Union subordinated to Germany, or there
will be a Europe of two speeds, both of them are wrong for working
masses. If capitalism does not see other possibilities they will use
war to oppress masses.
The
United States would try to regain its lost positions and to re-divide
the word. They would attack China and the Islamic world.
The
process of the so-called democratic transition in Eastern Europe has
stopped. Belarus is alive despite the sanctions. Ukraine turned away
from NATO and EU. In Serbia a more national line triumphed on the
elections. The EU seems to come to an end of its political
possibilities. A war in Europe would be a disaster but capitalism
will risk it if it does not see other chances.(...)
Our
parties are different. Some of us are in the bourgeois parliament, or
even in the bourgeois government. But all of us are communists. To be
communist is not just a word. It means that we hate the existing
system, we want to overthrow it. This is the word what Marx and
Engels used in 19th century. And we should do it in the 21st. And we
shall do it.
About
the Contribution of the Workers' Party of Ireland
The
Workers Party of Ireland, is making general remarks. You cannot say
they are wrong, but in their generality (=dogmatism) they are not a
contribution to a concrete strategy. They are also complaining about
the ideological power of the bourgeois ideological apparatus
(media, reformist politic parties,....). What a difference with the
Hungarian Communist and Workers Party!
“In
Ireland, in common with the rest of Europe, the crisis is now
impacting on all areas of life – employment; social protection;
health; education; and the provision of public services. The
consequences of this crisis have dealt a devastating blow to working
people and the crisis is also being used by capital to expand the
power of the capitalist class through the agenda of privatisation.
Increasingly, important sectors of education, healthcare, energy,
transport, communications and state infrastructure are being
transferred from state ownership to private control. Inequality and
child poverty has increased. The Irish government is planning to
close 40 community nursing units for the elderly. Schools are being
closed, hospital services curtailed or ended and public and private
sector pensions are under attack.
The
Government has also introduced a punitive annual Household Charge
which faces a campaign of popular resistance. Students who already
face massive cuts to the education system are now confronted with the
prospect of local authorities threatening to withhold payment of
student grants to children whose parents have not paid the Household
Charge in a despicable act which will demonise young people and
families already struggling as a result of the cutbacks. Since
2007/2008 there has been a major collapse in employment. Long term
unemployment is growing in Ireland. Unemployment is officially at
14.8% and some 16.8% of young people under 25 are now underemployed
or unemployed. A recent study has revealed that successive Irish
governments have handed over a minimum of almost 21 billion barrels
of oil equivalent to transnational oil corporations. The study has
estimated that at today’s prices 21 billion barrels of oil
equivalent is worth approximately €1,600 billion. While this is
merely the price for crude oil, it dwarfs by a factor of almost 25:1
the money “borrowed” from the EU/ECB/IMF Troika. After refining
and use in downstream petro-chemical industries that base of €1,600
billion is multiplied into several trillion Euros.
This
report makes clear that the long-standing theft of Ireland’s
natural resources, its oil and gas reserves, continues. Ireland has
immense natural resources which, if harnessed for the benefit of the
Irish people, could provide jobs, fuel security, and industrial
development and yet the parties which have formed successive
governments, Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and Labour steadfastly refuse to
take this step and opt instead to serve the interests of the
monopolies. The Irish government has also appointed the Competition
Authority to undertake a review of the role of Ireland’s state
ports in what is clearly an attempt to privatise the most lucrative
part of Ireland’s major state port companies. At a time when Irish
workers and vulnerable sections of Irish society are haunted by fear
of further savage cutbacks to basic services which will put their
very lives in danger these parties demonstrate their class nature and
their philosophy that private profit trumps the needs of the Irish
people.
Bourgeois
ideology has established almost total dominance in public discourse
and debate in Ireland, not only in the mass media but in the
universities and schools, in the trade unions and, of course, in the
so-called Labour Party. It has reinforced values and beliefs which
are the total antithesis of the common good and which seeks to
suggest that the economic crisis is simply a temporary aberration as
a result of individual greed which can be fixed by a stronger,
better, cleaner capitalism. And workers are threatened and
intimidated, first sold the lies that “we are all in this together”
and that “there is no alternative to austerity” and then left in
fear that if the working class do not accept the present economic
policies that something else, even more terrible, will befall them -
that the present economic system, bad as it may be, is preferable to
what may happen if we do something different, that banks are too big
to be allowed to fail, the euro too essential to be replaced by
something different, and the European Union too important not to
succeed. Every day in the mass media these are the unrelenting
messages to which workers are subjected.
This
was exactly the tactic used in the referendum on the Fiscal Treaty.
The adoption of the Treaty means further and permanent austerity
measures which will not only subvert the democratic rights,
sovereignty and independence of the Irish people but sentence even
more of our young people to forced emigration, and increased poverty
for those who remain. The European Union remains an irredeemably
capitalist project.
It
is impossible to understand the crisis or articulate a response
without understanding the character of the crisis and setting out a
clear class analysis. A false critique of the crisis will facilitate
the promulgation of neo-Keynesian “solutions” which fail to
acknowledge that capitalism is the problem, not the solution.
Capitalist production cannot cease accumulating without disrupting
the foundation on which it rests. Capitalist accumulation reflects
the concentration and centralisation of production and capital
together with the growing exploitation of millions of workers
throughout the world. The private ownership of the means of
production, private capitalist appropriation and the contradictions
of capital formation block the general development of the productive
powers of society. Contradictions, crises, social convulsions all
demonstrate the incompatibility of social productive development with
capitalist relations of production. Capitalism is inherently unequal,
exploitative, wasteful and fundamentally undemocratic concentrating
instead on consumption, competition, profit and the accumulation of
capital. Capitalist production relations and a society organized
around production for the accumulation of profit patently does not
work, however it is managed.
Structural
changes in capitalism lead to crises, imperialism and war.
Imperialism, and US imperialism in particular, has threatened,
threatens and continues to threaten the progressive, political,
economic and cultural development of the vast majority of the human
race. US threats of military action against Iran, the Turkish
provocations against Syria, the increased military aid by the Obama
administration to Israel (a power which already possesses nuclear
weapons and has a long history of military aggression against its
neighbours), the escalating external pressure on Syria and the
growing attacks by criminal terrorist elements demonstrate the
dangerous role of the imperialist powers and the attempt by the
monopolies and multi-national corporations to seize control of the
energy resources of the region. We must demand full respect for the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Syria; an immediate end to
all overt and covert financial and military assistance to the
so-called Free Syrian Army and other armed terrorist groups and
insist that there be no intervention by imperialism against Syria and
Iran.
As
Marx and Engels pointed out the driving force of modern history is
the struggle between classes and the conflict of their interests. It
the task of the communist and workers’ parties to make clear to
workers that the crisis is systemic, that it did not arise by
mismanagement or accident and we must strive to raise class
consciousness and to place the peoples struggles manifestly and
openly in the arena of class struggle.
We
must assert without equivocation that the interests of the capitalist
class and the working class are mutually antagonistic and
irreconcilable. It is the task of workers in the class struggle to
bring about the transition from capitalism to socialism and in order
to do this the working class must take power into its hands.
Political
struggle is impossible without an ideological struggle. Building a
socialist society means abolishing private ownership of the means of
production and the exploiter class. A socialist society is built on
workers’ power and the construction of a socialist society
necessarily involves a revolutionary transformation in which there is
a transition of state power from the bourgeoisie to the workers.
In
the present circumstances we must be alert to the dangers from
reformism and opportunism. The ambition of the social democrats, even
those more radical elements which have emerged in several countries
in response to the crisis, is at best to stabilise and to manage the
crisis.
It
is clear both from historical experience of the social democrats in
power and their words and actions that they are unprepared to take
any step which threatens to change the economic system under which we
live and are, indeed, wholly committed to the preservation of
capitalist society. No social democratic party is prepared to take a
single step to abolish the dominant position of monopoly capital.
They have long abandoned any pretence at nationalisation and are
easily persuaded along the route of the privatisation of the public
sector. Promises to improve, regulate and better manage capitalism,
while entirely baseless, must be exposed and a clear alternative
characterisation of the crisis provided which highlights the systemic
nature of the crisis and the relationship between the power of the
monopolies and the state.
Now
is the time, against a background of the deepening crisis of
capitalism and the increasing intensification of contradictions in
capitalist society and where the working class has a vested interest
in destroying the old economic order, to mount a counterattack and to
advance the arguments for the economic, social, cultural and
political advantages of an alternative social system and to reassert
the dynamic of socialism as a viable alternative world vision in
which the working class possesses absolute power and where the goal
is the construction of a society where the “free development of
each is the condition of the free development of all”.
There
can be no revolutionary change without a revolutionary ideology. This
requires the existence of a disciplined and effective
Marxist-Leninist party capable of generating revolutionary class
consciousness, confronting and exposing opportunism and reformism and
demonstrating that there is only one answer to the crisis and that
socialism is the answer.
About
the Contribution of the New Communist Party of Netherlands
The
NCPN is also more complaining than giving a real contribution in the
discussion:
“The
confusion among the population in the Netherlands is increasing. The
belief in the possibility of capitalism is slowly eroded, but without
broad-based alternatives are available. Socialism as a future model
is hardly an option in our country. (...)The term socialism is so
discredited that it is not easy to use for mobilization. Not yet
anyway. (...) (T)he former CPN-leadership, followed by a large
proportion of the members decided in the early eighties to liquidate
the party because in the Netherlands a communist party would no
longer be needed. The living standard was high enough. The gap thus
created was politically filled by a former Maoist party - the SP -
(...) and also by a number of Trotskyist parties and groups. It took
a long time to rebuild a new communist party.”:
“(...)"Hands
off our income, our benefits and pensions, our jobs, our social
services". "We do not pay for your crisis", "For
social progress and socialism" are slogans of our party. Only in
a socialist society real changes are possible and not temporally is
what we are writing in our party paper Manifest, on our website, in
many declarations and discussions.(...)
Till
now the ruling class in the Netherlands hesitated to solve their
crisis by taking measures in a Greek, Portugese or Irish way.
But
in the Netherlands now we will have a new government in a short time.
Liberals and social democrats did win the elections, very much
influenced by the mass media and mass institutions of the ruling
class. These parties will be the leading political forces to
establish a new government. Both parties will continue to support the
European integration and neo-liberal politics. That means more
poverty, more flexicurity, more unemployment and more grave social
and financial problems for the working class.
The
extreme rightwing party of mr. Wilders did get less votes than before
but is still the third party. Promising the people left solutions for
the crisis that electoral party without members still have lot's of
support from a big part of the working class. Wilders is waiting for
the growing social economical problems in the country. Now his
attacks on muslims and his xenophobia has been changed in attacks
against the EU. Saying his party is fighting the elite, being an
anti-system-party. But be sure these are words only. He knows the new
attacks on the living standard will come from the EU. So for him the
EU is the new main enemy to collect as many votes. Parties as the
Dutch PVV of Wilders and Golden Down are doing the same: using the
capitalist crisis for their own interests and confuse the working
class. We know however what fascism means and what it is leading to.
Many
people that voted two years ago for the soft social democrat party -
the Dutch tomato party SP - went back to the social democrat party
PvdA (Party of Labour)they came from a few years ago now the
leadership of the SP took a moderate political position to try to be
part of the government. At the end a great part of their newly won
electorate did not trust the modernists. They went back to their
former party now young leaders came into power using left words and
spreading new illusions. Another shock for this part of the working
class will follow soon.
The
working class in our country in general is still waiting what will
happen. The living conditions are still high enough to wait and see.
Poverty, unemployment and attacks on social security are growing. The
majority of the people however is still hopeful and has many
illusions that the crisis will finish and will not knock at their own
door.(...)
The
gab between what our party says and what the majority of the people
thinks is wide! It's not only a question of better and more
activities of a communist party also the masses should be prepared
better to understand what the communists say, as we have seen in
Greece.
Don't
forget that it's only since a few years that Capitalism in our part
of the world, the former colonialist states, is showing the people
the real face. Only a couple of years ago the majority of the working
class in the Netherlands - in one way or the other - trusted the
capitalist way. Socialism was not an option.(...)
The
NCPN takes part in the four-party talks of DKP, KPL, NCPN and PTB.
These parties met recently for the seventh year. There are many
similarities between Belgium, Germany, Luxembourg and the
Netherlands. But there are also substantial differences between the
four countries and political differences between the four parties,
despite the fact that the countries are very similar and all are part
of the northern countries. This makes comparisons complicated and
even more between the struggle in the Mediterranean countries and the
northern EU states.
So
it is still complicated to make joint analyses and organize joint
actions, however the need is growing. The importance of conferences
like this is only underlined by this fact. Step by step we need to
work on 'unity in diversity' to defeat the common enemy. That process
will last very long. Rapid changes - even in countries like Greece -
do not seem to arrive. It seems, moreover, that European capital,
step by step will be successful in resolving its contradictions and
postpone the consequences of the systemic crisis for the system
itself with the help of social democracy. At least temporally.(...)
The
confusion among the population in the Netherlands is increasing. The
belief in the possibility of capitalism is slowly eroded, but without
broad-based alternatives are available. Socialism as a future model
is hardly an option in our country. On the contrary: The term
socialism is so discredited that it is not easy to use for
mobilization. Not yet anyway. Everything now is done by the ruling
class to continue and strengthen this discrimination process. A large
scale of falsification of history in the Netherlands takes place.
Fascism and communism are similar in their propaganda. The struggles
and successes of the former Communist Party of the Netherlands
against German fascism are played down, the successes and
achievements of the Soviet Union and other countries of the real
existing socialism are being embezzled or made negative. The mistakes
magnified.
In
the Netherlands these processes are exacerbated because the former
CPN-leadership, followed by a large proportion of the members decided
in the early eighties to liquidate the party because in the
Netherlands a communist party would no longer be needed. The living
standard was high enough. The gap thus created was politically filled
by a former Maoist party - the SP - that grew rapidly after it
changed its political and ideological position and also by a number
of Trotskyist parties and groups. It took a long time to rebuild a
new communist party. Only since about five years there is stability
in the party and growth with serious young cadres. Although the
ideology of a great part of the youth in our country is characterized
by a high degree of individualism the need for collective stands is
growing day by day. Capitalism however tries - till now successful -
to put a crowbar between the interests of young and old workers.(...)
The
NCPN focuses on the trade union struggle and the struggle in
neighborhoods and factories and workplaces. Previously, we also took
part in the national debate about war and peace, but since no one in
the peace movement in our country except us - because of the false
point of view of the SP - wants to put the role of the NATO in the
middle of the discussion and we are currently unable to lead or
organize such debate, the party now is forced to focus only on the
socio-economic struggle. The developments in this field are very
progressing.
The
struggle against and within de Dutch trade union movement about their
role in the Dutch society today is one of the main questions in the
Netherlands. Now capitalism is in deep crisis in Europe the position
and power of the trade unions and the communist parties is extremely
important. After 30 years of Dutch social partnership, class peace
and social democratic leadership in the trade unions the grass root
members are asking for a change in behaviour of the reformist
leadership. No more deals but struggle is the new wave, now the
crisis is deepening and the people have to pay the bill. It seems the
tendency within the labour movement aimed at a militant trade union
movement instead of class peace is on the winning hand. Also this
process, however, is not ended in the short term.
For
the party now remains first to produce many explanations and
ideological struggle with Trotskyites and reformists. The main task
for the party consists of the daily struggle of the party to maintain
and strengthen the Marxist-leninist education of its own members and
internal and external ideological struggle. The NCPN concentrates on
the struggle in the factories and the organized vanguard of the
working class within the unions. The political and ideological
attempts to connect with a growing number of young people without a
future within the capitalist society is in the middle of the
struggle.(...)
The
NCPN recognizes the need for international cooperation of communist
parties. We are strong supporters of common meetings like this one
and we will continue - as far as possible - participation in
international meetings of communist and workers' parties. It's of
great importance that KKE is organizing this possibilities. It's of
absolute importance to unite, in this part of the world especially
for European parties. It's not enough to be strong in your own
country, we have to find more and more effective forms of
cooperation. Of course the class struggle in our own countries indeed
is the basic task, but real concrete and continuous cooperation is
becoming more and more important. Exchange of opinions is very
important but not enough. We have to produce common analyses and find
ways for common actions. We suggest to organize also on specific
issues. Very important now is for instance the question how to
organize in neighbourhoods and workplaces. Which concrete experiences
can we share? How to overcome difficulties in these activities? How
can we work as communists in an anticommunist environment but with
people that have growing problems with their work and living
conditions?
Our
class enemies already have strong European tables to coordinate their
power and interests. In the EU strong tendencies are developing to
strengthen the capitalist integration. Step by step the United States
of Europe is growing, although there are huge differences in the way
specific capitalist groups try to reach this goal, based on
differences between capitalist groups and different states in Europe.
Anyhow we have to exchange views, make common analyses about
weaknesses and strength of European capitalism today.
More
than ever we have to recognize: workers of the world unite!
About
the Contribution of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation
By
the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the analysis based on
generalism (= dogmatism) has lead the Party ideology to a very
dangerous level of opportunist conceptions. I think that you can
compare the actual political line of them with the “economists”
or their successors, the “Menchevics”: following the events,
making a main point of activity of the parliamentary work,
reinforcing a “real parliamentary democracy”, etc:
“We
have gathered to discuss the problems of the communist and labour
movement under conditions of the protracted global crisis that has
hit many countries of the world. It gains the strength and leads to
the ever-increasing pressure on a growing number of economies.
The
global financial crisis of the recent years has once again confirmed
the everlasting value of basic Marxist-Leninist concepts of the
cyclic nature of capitalist production and inevitability of crises.
However, it must be pointed that this time it has certain significant
distinctions. In particular, it is not associated with overproduction
in any way.
In
the forefront of the global crisis we see the speculative banking
capital and international stock market transactions that ignore
national boundaries and differences in social and economic policies
of states and leveling the conditions of exploitation and oppression
of populations.
It
should be marked that the financial and economic crisis in Russia has
its specific national features. The destructive liberal economic
course of the 1990s has resulted in Russia’s exclusive dependence
on the export of hydrocarbons and, to a lesser extent, timber and
metals. Over the past fifteen years, global hydrocarbon prices have
been fluctuating on a very high level. They exceed the mid 1990s
level by fifteen times on the average. It is the only reason why the
destruction of industry has not had a major impact on the state
budget. However, this oil and gas addiction has been damaging for the
Russian people. Due to the forced transition to lopsided economic
development the level of state security has dropped dramatically.
Over 50% of food products is imported. Moreover, their quality is
often dubious. The state sanitary control service has been virtually
eradicated. The fire surveillance service has been destroyed;
thousands of hectares of commercial timber burn out annually. Company
hijacking has been replaced with property redistribution by way of
legislative lobbying. Corruption has blossomed with renewed vigor
with the adoption of the new land, forest and housing codes. The
ratio between the aggregate income of the richest and the poorest 10%
of the population has reached 40, testifying to the extreme wealth
divide of Russia’s population.
Despite
the full obedience to the state of formerly independent TV channels
and a great number of mass media, diclosing information is leaking to
people from our party’s printed editions with a total monthly
circulation of some 10 million copies and liberal democratic press.
During
the twenty years of domination of the national oligarchy that has
brought about an intensive inflow
of international capital to Russia, dramatic changes have occurred in
the social and economic spheres. It can be said now that
de-industrialization is practically completed in Russia. Domestic car
making and mechanical engineering giants that constitute the basis of
any developed industrial nation have been destroyed. Aircraft,
agricultural engineering, food, textile and light industries have
fallen to decay. The unified power system and collective farming have
been shattered.
All
these structural changes cannot but have an impact on our party’s
working conditions.
On
the one hand, the destruction of major industrial enterprises makes
the working movement uncoordinated. The number of workers in our
ranks has declined drastically since 1995. Many have melted into the
de-classed mass of working people struggling for survival alone at
the everyday level, doing unskilled odd jobs. Alongside with the
destruction of large working groups, trade unions have also lost
their significance with the majority of them turning into an
appendage to the unjustifiably overgrown bureaucracy.
On
the other hand, during this period small and medium business has
fully experienced first-hand all the horrors and power of the
corruptive pressure of bureaucracy and has drastically veered to the
left. The same has happened to office employees. In the early 1990s,
owing to the inflow of foreign capital and establishment of numerous
joint ventures with high wages, the white collars became enthralled
by illusions of the emergence of a stable middle class. However,
actual labor productivity did not grow, and by the early 2000s this
prosperity, which was based on the embezzlement of state-owned
assets, threw away; the joint ventures eventually found themselves
under command of Russian managers unwilling to pay much, and the
well-being of hired employees vanished into thin air.
During
the twenty years without any state-controlled system offering
employment to graduates of higher educational institutions, young
people have had a rough time looking for their first job. An
overwhelming majority of them are not working in their
specialization. The unemployment level acknowledged by the state has
reached 7-8 %. Of course, in practice it is much higher.
Many
regions are experiencing economic chaos and a complete breakdown of
law and order. Prosecutors are giving cover to illegal casinos,
officers of law enforcement agencies have strong crime affiliations,
and it is now common practice when backbone enterprises are closed
down overnight with thousands of employees left jobless. The prime
minister has been repeatedly forced to intervene and control the
situation manually to prevent social unrest.
Another
problem is the wear limit of engineering facilities in practically
all sectors of the economy. This problem is aggravated by the lack of
technical skills of the staff of major enterprises and by the desire
of new owners to cut costs by neglecting the maintenance of
sophisticated engineering facilities. Consequently, man-made
disasters have become more frequent. The wear level the housing and
utilities sector exceeded 70% long ago. Collapses of apartment
buildings and major railway and aircraft accidents have become
common. In the summer of 2012, the criminal negligence of bureaucrats
caused major floods in two towns in the south of Russia.
Until
2010, the country’s population had been decreasing by an average of
800,000 to 1,000,000 annually.
The
Communist Party consistently exposes the inability of the ruling
United Russia party and the state machinery to provide the required
control over the situation in the regions, which leads to staff
fluctuations and confusion. We regularly remind citizens of the
inability of the authorities to honor their pre-election pledges and
carry out numerous governmental programs announced in the
not-too-distant past. We have witnessed the total failure of the
pension reform in the recent years. Numerous facts of
inappropriate use of funds and peculation have come out into the
open. Most of them are left unpunished or are simply not brought to
court, thus also raising the level of protest sentiments in the
society.
In
these circumstances, the onset of a global system crisis of
capitalism has aggravated the discontent in all strata of the
population, has led to a drastic growth of distrust to the announced
course of state reforms and in turn compelled the government to take
a number of unpopular measures. This is fueled by the lobbying in the
State Duma for the ratification of the treaty on joining the World
Trade Organization. Communists have
consistently spoken not against joining the WTO as such, but against
the totally unacceptable time and conditions of joining.
Unlike most other countries that have joined the WTO, Russia has come
to this stage completely unprepared. Over 400 regulations protecting
national producers have not been adopted, and the texts of protocols
describing the joining terms were not provided even at the time of
voting on this issue. This autumn Russian President Vladimir Putin
spoke about the need of immediate and efficient upgrade of the entire
economy along the lines of the one undertaken by Joseph Stalin in the
1930s.
Understanding
that the economy cannot be oil-dependent for a long time, the ruling
oligarchy has been aggressively attacking the habitual rights of the
Russian citizens in recent years.
For
example, they in fact disavowed the constitutional right for free
education and healthcare. The number of educational
institutions of all levels has been reduced drastically; schools and
hospitals are being made self-supporting. The communist faction in
the State Duma proposed an alternative draft program for reforming
the educational system. Its fundamental difference from United
Russia’s program is a guaranteed level of state funding to cover
the needs of secondary education in full. United Russia is stalling
for time and hindering the discussion of the draft program at a
plenary session.
This
April, the ruling party made an attempt to push through the State
Duma a bill to cancel the state’s obligations to perform capital
repairs of apartment buildings. This obligation was imposed on the
government by law in 1991, during the initial stage of housing
privatization. Actually, this is an attempt to put on citizens’
shoulders costs exceeding 10% of the annual gross product. Besides,
to prevent riots, they pushed through a number of laws, in particular
the Law on Governor Elections legitimizing political filters that are
almost impassable for opposing parties, the Law on Increasing
Responsibility Related to Meetings and Demonstrations raising
penalties up to USD45,000 for any violation, the Law on Non-Profit
Foreign-Funded Organizations, etc. Trying
to support the growth of protest sentiments, we successfully insisted
on consideration by the State Duma of our bills concerning
nationalization of enterprises that were unlawfully privatized and
are currently run inefficiently; besides, we demanded the adoption of
progressive tax. In September this year, opposing factions of the
State Duma proposed a bill On State Control of Prices for Natural
Monopoly Services to curb the galloping growth of public utility
rates keeping well ahead of inflation. Needless to say, they were
rejected by United Russia. This fact was widely covered by mass media
controlled by or friendly to our political party.
This
year United Russia, instructed by the ruling circles, proceeded with
intimidation tactics aimed at the general public and, first of all,
opposing deputies as the voice of public opinion. Unlawful repressive
actions were taken against two deputies. One of them, representing
the communist party, was deprived of his deputy immunity and the
other, representing the Just Russia, party, was deprived of his
deputy seat in violation of Article 98 of the Constitution without
any court proceedings, but exclusively owing to United Russia’s
stolen majority of 13 seats.
A
social research carried out in 2011 revealed that United Russia’s
rating had dropped so low that the government could not expect to get
the required number of seats both in December 2011 State Duma
elections and in March 2012 local elections. As a counter measure, a
plan was adopted to falsify the elections. Of course, falsifications
used to take place before, but only locally and their size was
determined by the desire to please federal officials. In 2011, such
falsifications were made a compulsory requirement and their scale was
planned on the federal level and communicated down to the regional
level as a compulsory directive. Moreover, regional authorities
assisted in these falsifications by directly arranging the
transportation of voters from nearby regions. Preventing this form of
falsifications is hindered by the introduction of a computerized
system for registration of voters moving from one region to another
on the election day. For example, during the last elections held on 4
March 2012, the number of voters in large cities was increased by
8-9% by bringing in people from other regions.
Due
to many years’ consistent attempts of the Communist Party aimed to
reveal the falsifications and manipulation of public opinion both at
the community level, through uneven coverage of election campaigns in
mass media, and at the legislative level, by pushing through the
State Duma laws providing preferences to the ruling party, the
general public became widely informed of the scale of falsifications
made in previous years. Well in advance in 2011, the Communist
faction proposed a package of election-related bills based on the
generally accepted international standards for protection of voting
results. United Russia’s refusal to adopt these bills is just
another evidence that large-scale falsifications were already
planned.
As
a result, the expectation of large-scale falsifications that had
formed in the public mind was accompanied by a sharp desire to
prevent them. Suddenly, it became popular with young people to act as
observers at voting stations to secure free and fair elections.
Hundreds of thousands of non-party people, who had never participated
in the election process before, came to our party’s offices
requesting to be appointed as election observers. Due
to its long-standing consistent policy, clear and well-defined
election program and principal errors in the social and economic
policy of the ruling United Russia, the Communist Party got 50% more
votes than at the previous parliamentary elections. In the
presidential election, the incumbent Russian President Vladimir Putin
got less than 50% of the vote in Moscow and St. Petersburg. In
Moscow, despite the unprecedented election falsification, the
Communist party managed to get 13 percent of seats in local
authorities, which is two and a half times as much as four years ago.
As
a result, the Government got a mass public discontent with the scale
of falsification; if earlier only communists spoke about the problem,
after 2011-2012 elections the unprecedented falsification and rigging
of election results became obvious for thousands of Russians.
This
circumstance was capitalized on by the heroes of the 1990s
representing liberal and democratic political forces that had
successfully destroyed the USSR, broken down the Soviet economy and
stolen everything they could lay their hands on using legal
loopholes. The Communist Party’S
relations with these forces are quite complicated. On the one hand,
we cannot afford ourselves to stand together with militant
anticommunist figures, on the other hand, tens of thousands of people
took to the streets for protests. Many of them believed and still
believe genuinely that they are not led by any forces. The Communist
Party made a compromise decision. We agreed to partial cooperation.
Our representatives stand for fair elections and support of working
people’s social rights, but we hold our own mass street protests.
Therefore,
summarizing the above arguments, I would like to note that in the
context of the impending system crisis of capitalism the Communist
Party of the Russian Federation is taking a pro-active stand to
expose the essence of this phenomenon by clarifying the reasons why
the current national government is unable to reconcile the basic
differences between the interests of hired employees and the greed of
capitalists, whose sole passion has always been making excessive
profit by oppressing workers.
Socialism,
without doubt, is the only system capable of settling these
differences by ensuring effective government regulation of social and
economic processes, repairing the devastated economy and protecting
the interests of hired workers. We consider it inexcusable to pursue
a wait-and-see policy, since it will invariably have a detrimental
effect on the social status of communists. Only by the decisive
disclosure of the essence of capitalist crises with their mimicry
ability based on the current conditions, as well as by the decisive
disclosure of and resistance to the antisocial policy of the
oligarchic administration and United Russia as its obedient
instrument, the communists will be able to save their place in the
public mind.
On
the contrary, delays and sluggishness in propaganda efforts and
outreach activities will have dangerous ends for our party. There is
no empty space on the political arena and indecisive political
parties are quickly replaced by new leading forces.
About
the Contribution of the Communist Party of Sweden
I
think that, based on generalising (=dogmatic) analysis, the Communist
Party of Sweden, is making wrong priorities: By seeing “ as one
of its primary obligations to tirelessly propagate against a
continued membership in the European Union,” one can conclude,
as the CPS conclude for another reason: “ we fight blindly, we
are divided and conquered”
“First
of all on behalf of the Communist Party of Sweden (SKP) I wish to
thank the Greek Communist Party for the invitation and for organizing
this important meeting. Furthermore I wish to express our deep
solidarity with your heroic struggle as well with the struggle of all
our fellow comrades and parties present and non-present here today!
For
a long time Sweden has stood as one of the primary examples of the so
called Scandinavian model, the model of peaceful coexistence and
cooperation between the capitalist and the working class. A truce
withheld by the so called welfare state which by social security
institutions and progressive taxation sought to even out or
compensate for the unequal distribution of wealth caused by the class
based society. Based on a high level of organization among the
workers and a strong Social Democratic Party this model has been
celebrated and pictured as a form of compromise between unchecked
capitalism and the real socialism of the former eastern bloc and the
Soviet Union. Today it should be perfectly clear to all how
treacherous this so called alternative model is and always have been
and its historical function as safeguarding the private monopoly of
the means of production against democratic control until the working
class organizations has become sufficiently undermined, weakened and
desillusionized. It was never a compromise, never an alternative,
just a prolonged period of capitalistic exploitation saved and paid
for by the working people. By letting go of the revolutionary vision
and programme the working class organizations under the stern
leadership of the Social Democratic Party gradually transformed into
an organizational weapon aimed not at the capitalist exploiters but
at the workers themselves, whose class interest was replaced by the
monopolistic bourgeoisie´s – a process which became more or
less complete with the membership in the European Union, initiated by
the Social Democratic government in 1991. By willingly restricting
the national sovereignty and democratic control and imposing the
budgetary and political straightjacket of the EU we now find
ourselves in an ever escalating and seemingly uncontestable spiral of
privatizations and cut-downs demanded by the monopolistic financial
capital safeguarded by the great imperialistic European Union –
who’s dictates all parties in parliament, regardless of colour,
full heartedly accepts. Our democracy has now become a game of “god
cop –bad cop” between the parties holding government and the
opposition; a game with the aim and purpose of giving the people an
illusion of choice as the agenda of the monopolistic capital is being
imposed and our involvement in imperialist aggressions and
collaboration with NATO increases and deepens.
In
light of this the Communist Party of Sweden sees as one of its
primary obligations to tirelessly propagate against a continued
membership in the European Union and for cutting all ties with NATO;
to educate the people on the true nature of this imperialistic union
and to remind the working class of its historical imperative: to take
control over the means of production and replacing the horribly
dysfunctional, destructive and exploitive capitalist mode of
production with a socialistic one. A struggle which by absolute
necessity must be oriented and guided by Marxism-Leninism with the
socialist mode of production as concrete alternative and solution to
the deep contradictions and problems inherited in capitalism – an
aim functioning both as the common reason and model for the immediate
problems facing the working class in all its diverse and specific
situations.
Without
theory we fight blindly, we are divided and conquered.
Furthermore
it is of outmost importance to contradict and fight every form of
nostalgic view of the so called welfare state and the good old days
of the Scandinavian model – it should be viewed and condemned as
the illusory solution to the class struggle that it always was. It
should be condemned as a retreat from the absolutely necessary aim
and goal of the working class for the sake of petty crumbles from the
tables of the bourgeoisie; as the road leading to the current
situation of unemployment, insecurity and impoverishment and the ever
increasing segregation and segmentation of society.
The
road of capitalism is the road of imperialistic military aggressions
and competition; of growth of the repressive state apparatuses
defeating more and more of the basic human rights in a gradual
development and realization of the fascistic tendency of monopoly
capitalism.
It
should be clear - and it is our most pressing obligation to make it
clear - that a future worthy of its name can only be realized as
socialism – the road to communism!
About
the Contribution of the Communist Party of Turkey
This
good analysis, which is very concrete, is leading to good
strategical conclusions. Of course there can be – non-antagonist -
discussions about some conclusions, but discussions which are
facilitated by the concreteness of the analysis of the
Communist Party of Turkey, No “complaining”, no giving priority
to “parliamentary activity”.... In fact, for me, the Communist
Party of Turkey is giving an example what advantage it would
be when Turkey would JOIN the European Union, an so expanding
the European working class by millions AND its organisation of the
working-class vanguard by “adding” the Communist Party of Turkey
to a European Communist Party: I am sure that the discussion “first
disengagement out of the EU before a (national) revolutionary change”
would be resolved:
“I
would like to dwell on the following point made by Comrade Papariga
in her introductory speech to this meeting. Comrade Papariga said,
“any peculiarities in the manifestation, the intensity or the
duration of the crisis from country to country do not determine the
character of the crisis neither should they influence the strategy
and the tactics of the communist party.”
This
point shall be highlighted, as clearly stated by Comrade Papariga,
for the entire communist movement. Yet, it shall be highlighted for
the case of Turkey in particular as the peculiarities in the
manifestations of the crisis are quite different than those in
Europe. Nevertheless, the strategy and the tactics of the communist
movement in countries such as Turkey do not and shall not differ in
its essence.
What
are those manifestations?
As
regards the economic situation in Turkey, if we take the statistics
at face-value, we cannot talk about an ongoing economic crisis.
Representatives of the bourgeois government constantly brag about the
economic performance of the Turkish economy, which grew around 8.5
percent last year and 3.5 percent in the first half of this year on a
year-to-year basis. The official unemployment rate has declined to
8.9 percent as of June 2012 and the serious current account deficit
seems to be falling as economic growth decelerates.
Yet,
these are very crude data indicating only superficially that the
Turkish economy is doing relatively well. If you go to further detail
on each and every indicator showing the performance of the Turkish
economy, you see deep vulnerabilities; a country that is walking on a
knife edge.
For
instance, the sharp decline in the rate of growth points to a hard
landing. One may say 3.5 percent growth is still okay considering the
situation in the world economy. However, when you look a little bit
further, you see that the sustainability of these growth rates is
strictly dependent on capital inflows from abroad. As net capital
inflows to Turkish economy declined around 31 per cent with respect
to the first half of last year, the growth rate had shrunk almost 60
percent. In other words, the growth performance of Turkish economy
relies widely on the decisions taken by the European Central Bank and
the Federal Reserve. Yes, there are attempts to attract more capital
from the sheikhdoms of the Gulf, but the Turkish economy is large
enough that would not allow it to keep its macroeconomic balances
intact solely by the help of the money channeled through Islamic
finance institutions.
The
current account deficit, that had been more than 10 percent of the
GDP since the latest trough in 2009, seems to be recovered. However,
the declining volume of imports is nothing but a manifestation of the
falling domestic demand and growth. On the other hand, around 20
percent of the rising volume of exports is “fictitious” gold
exports to Iran, which reached to 1.7 billion in the first half of
this year. If you deduct this fictitious amount from the volume of
exports, you get the real rate of growth further decelerated to 2.6
percent, and a still ongoing problem of large current account deficit
even though the economy is slowing down.
And
finally, the rates of unemployment… At this juncture, we have the
well-known tricks to hide the real level of unemployment and misery.
But if you look further into the data, you see that Turkey has the
highest level of urban unemployment and one of the highest youth
unemployment rates in Europe. Furthermore, if Turkey had a “labor
participation rate” equal to that of Spain, it would have an
official unemployment rate of 24.2 percent, which is only slightly
below Spain’s 25.1.
Enough
for the outlook of Turkish economy…
In
short, even though the current
situation does not manifest an economic crisis in Turkey, each and
every data shows that the Turkish economy is on a knife edge;and its
prospects are very much dependent on what is going on in imperialist
centers. But the economic situation in Turkey, the deepening
immiseration and exploitation of toiling masses are not perceived as
the major manifestations of crisis. The crisis is perceived rather
very deeply at the political sphere, in the form of social resistance
and resentment from the ruling the party’s policies and the new
regime it had established.(...)
Communist
Party of Turkey has been emphasizing that there has been a procedure
of regime change in Turkey, which started in 2002 and pretty much
completed with the general elections of June 2011. The
main pillars of the First Republic established in 1923 had been
destroyed in order to build the Second Republic based on pro-market,
pro-imperialist, expansionist and Islamic foundations.
This
is not to say that the First Republic excluded these characteristics
entirely, but the new regime has reinforced the anti-popular elements
of the bourgeois republic while eradicating any progressive element
in it. The regime change in Turkey, akin and precedent to those
happening in the Middle East and North Africa, enabled
Turkish capitalism to assume more active roles for the sake of
imperialist interests in the region, and to this end, this new type
of articulation with imperialism has been supported drastically by
the United States.
Yet,
as our party has been emphasizing for a long time, the regime change
in Turkey does not and cannot render this country politically stable.
Indeed, the very roles embraced by the Second Republic of Turkey in
the region have proved to be sources of dire instabilities.
The
aggressive role pursued by Justice and Development Party (AKP) in the
imperialist “proxy war” in Syria, for instance, led to severe
disturbances especially among the Arabs and the Alawites in Turkey.
As the border town of Hatay, which is widely populated by Arabic
Alawis, has been resisting to the installation of Syrian Islamist
groups and all sorts of foreign intelligence services operating in
the region, the AKP government’s search for legitimizing its
actions against Syria has taken a major blow. Such resistance and
repulsion have not only remained local, but also become widespread
among especially the Alawite population.
The
quest of the new regime of Turkey in the region has also made the
Kurdish issue even worse. Despite all the talk of the AKP government
on a new, so-called “Kurdish opening”, hundreds die every month
in the Kurdish war. On the other hand, the pretext of the government
for the deteriorating situation on an alleged Syria-Iran-PKK alliance
hold no water since it is the AKP government itself that has riddled
the borders for the mercenaries. As the Kurdish war has grown worse,
the talks on the so-called “Kurdish opening” have lost its
credibility not only among the Kurdish people but for the Turkish
people as well.
As
the new regime of Turkey has been up a blind alley with its
Neo-Ottoman fantasies, it pushed forward even further Islamization
and oppression inside the country. The new system of education
imposed by the government foresees children at the age of 9 to be
enrolled in religious schools. Many ordinary public schools have been
transformed into religious vocational schools, and hours of new
religious courses have been imposed in the curricula of all primary
and secondary schools. Such agenda is defended militantly by the
Prime Minister himself as a prerequisite for “raising religious
generations”.
Sunni
Muslim indoctrination in public schools goes hand in hand with
increasing pressure exerted on secular social behaviors and conducts,
with opening huge religious complexes in metropolitan areas etc.
There is, as well, a resistance especially among the urban population
against such reactionary policies and oppression.
Furthermore,
as the new regime imposes greater Islamization and authoritarianism,
and show further aggression against neighboring countries in the
region, many people have been disillusioned from the political trials
that are actually designed to purge the leading cadres of the old
regime. For a huge section of the population, these trials are
nothing but a sham that are staged for the sake of building a new,
Islamist regime. On the other hand, many people start to realize that
the purged elements of the old power bloc are defeated, powerless and
incompetent vis-à-vis the attacks of the Second Republic.(...)
In
a nutshell, this is how the crisis manifests itself in Turkey. There
has been a regime change, which does not and cannot render Turkish
capitalism stable and safe. A huge section of the population; the
workers, the youth, poor peasants, the Kurdish people, the Alawite
poor etc. resent from the Second Republic and resist the Islamist
transformation it imposes.
The
social democracy and the opportunist, liberal sections of the “left”,
serve several crucial functions for legitimizing the deeds of the new
bourgeois regime. First of all, they serve to isolate the resisting
social elements from each other. They isolate the Alawite poor from
the Kurdish people, the workers from the families who resist the
Islamic indoctrination in public schools etc. The liberals that
present themselves as the “left” still try to legitimize the acts
of the AKP government and its new regime under the banner of
“democratization” and claim “Islamization” and “populism”
as one and the same.
So
what would the communists do under these circumstances; how would we
interfere?
The
crucial point is to indicate the class character of opposition to the
new bourgeois republic, to underline that its anti-peoples stance is
a whole and it can be defeated only as a whole. We have to clarify
the class interests common to all resisting elements in Turkey, we
need to unify these elements under the agenda of building a Third
Republic, the Socialist Republic of Turkey.
We
need to politicize the social resistance against expansionist and
reactionary policies, and make it clear for the toiling people that
deepening capitalist exploitation and immiseration of the working
class constitute the objective ground for all these. We have to
debunk the myths created by the opportunists, the liberals, who claim
that Islamist Turkey is more democratic. We have to challenge the
social democracy which divides and alienates the resisting elements
to the logic of the new regime.
In
short, the communists must unify the various elements of resistance,
which have been consolidated as the crisis deepens, under the banner
of socialism by pointing to the working class interests. This is the
way how the communist movement will achieve a mass character. This is
the way how the struggles will achieve a well-aimed political
orientation.
